domingo, 30 de janeiro de 2022

Maria Madalena (Mary Magdalene) - The Master of the Parrot








Maria Madalena (Mary Magdalene) - The Master of the Parrot
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Óleo sobre painel - 74x62


This vibrant, crisp, and enchantingly detailed portrayal of Mary Magdalene is a characteristic work of the Master of the Parrot, an anonymous yet highly accomplished hand active in Antwerp and possibly Bruges in the second quarter of the sixteenth century. A contemporary of the Master of the Female Half-Lengths, this artist shares some stylistic affinities with Pieter Coecke van Aelst, with whom he may have trained. In an important 1949 article, Max J. Friedländer first identified a group of paintings by this artist, who he aptly named after the exotic birds that appear in a number of the compositions given to the master. As this group has grown over the years, so have thoughts about this master, now thought possibly to be a group of Flemish artists working together in the same workshop in Antwerp, one that specialized in devotional images for the wealthy bourgeois population. Consistent stylistic elements found throughout the works ascribed to this master are elegant and finely painted females with slightly oval faces and fingernails, long necks and fingers, wide foreheads and delicate eyebrows, all of which are visible in the present picture.
This painting is a particularly captivating depiction of Mary Magdalene, who was a very popular subject for artists and collectors in Flanders in the sixteenth century. She is seen here set before a stone niche and a clothe of honor adorned with pearls and gold brocade, her lavishly attired figure filling the composition. An ermine mantel lined with black velvet is draped over her shoulders, partly covering her elegant gown edged with gold brocade, and a large gold crucifix with a fleur-de-lis is draped around her neck on a thick gold chain. A shimmering blue sash is looped around her waist, serving as a striking contrast to the rich red velvet near the cuff of her sleeves. She wears a large sapphire ring, and her opulent headdress is adorned with rubies, pearls, and gold. In her right hands she holds an elaborate gold ointment jar set atop a devotional book, while in her left she holds a pink flower, symbolizing a belief that she was the bride of Christ. Before her is a stone ledge with a raised edge, upon which rests cherries, a knife, and a sheathed dagger, while behind her are particularly distinct and inventive landscapes that recall the work of Joachim Patinir.
The free and sketchy underdrawing rendered with a liquid medium and applied with a brush is revealed through infrared images of the present painting. Such imaging also unveils a number of compositional changes to the design made by the artist, including shifts in the hands, details of the costume, and the face, such as her left eye.

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Retrato de um Homem (Portrait of a Man, Ottaviano de' Medici?, Wearing a Large Hat, with a Box of Wax Seals Resting on a Ledge Before Him) - Andrea del Sarto







Retrato de um Homem (Portrait of a Man, Ottaviano de Medici?, Wearing a Large Hat, with a Box of Wax Seals Resting on a Ledge Before Him) - Andrea del Sarto
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OST - 81x64

Following the departures of Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, and Raphael from Florence by 1508, Andrea del Sarto emerged as the preeminent painter in the city (a circumstance that led one scholar to bestow on him the ironic designation “Florentine caposcuola by default”). He oversaw a large and industrious workshop, and numbered among his gifted pupils and followers Pontormo and Rosso Fiorentino, luminaries of the Florentine maniera, as well as the painters Francesco Salviati and Giorgio Vasari and the sculptor Baccio Bandinelli. His style fuses a delicate sfumato inspired by Leonardo with a subtle, luminous and jewellike palette. Surfaces are crystalline, polished and prismatic, with flesh and fabric undifferentiated. A quiet and deeply moving pathos imbues his numerous altarpieces and private devotional images, while his portraits—which share the exquisite coloristic sensibility of his religious compositions, if in a more subdued range—offer sensitive and penetrating likenesses of his mostly reticent sitters.
Prolific as a painter of frescoes and panel paintings, and also as a draftsman, Andrea del Sarto produced a small number of portraits over the course of his roughly 30-year career, although this was not the primary focus of his activity. This singular example—the attribution of which is unassailable on stylistic grounds—is an important new addition to his oeuvre, and significantly augments the modest corpus of portraits by him. Its authorship was confirmed by the late Professor Sydney Freedberg, a preeminent expert on the artist, who considered it “an autograph portrait by Andrea del Sarto… of very high quality” (letter to the owner, January 14, 1991). Despite this authoritative endorsement, and its self-evident significance—both as a newly discovered work by the artist and a notable addition to the inventory of early 16th-century Florentine male portraits by the likes of Franciabigio, Ridolfo Ghirlandaio, Giuliano Bugiardini Francesco Granacci, and Sarto himself—the Portrait of a Man has remained unknown until now.
On stylistic grounds, the portrait can be dated to the mid-1520s, making it a mature work from the last decade of the artist’s life. (He died of the plague in 1530.) This was a period of intense activity. In those years, he was absorbed in the ongoing campaign to fresco the Chiostro dello Scalzo with monochrome scenes from the life of St. John the Baptist, patron saint of Florence—one of the most significant undertakings of his career—and the monumental Last Supper in the refectory of San Salvi, a monastic church on the outskirts of Florence. As in Leonardo da Vinci’s paradigmatic treatment of the subject, the Apostles gathered around Jesus show a compelling range of emotions and expressions. Following the practice of Leonardo and Raphael, for the Last Supper and other works Andrea produced masterful chalk studies of heads and hands, which allowed him to explore and fix the individual figures’ heightened emotional states. It was not unusual for his portraits, too, to be preceded by head studies of the sitters, executed in order to capture both their outer physical likeness and their inner animating spirit. Although no such preparatory drawing for present portrait is known, it is not difficult to imagine that one preceded the acutely captured aspect of this sitter.
Internal evidence supports the portrait’s proposed chronology. The sitter’s clothing, notably the broad-brimmed hat and the tunic with a voluminous upper sleeve, worn here under a mantle, points to a date in the 1520s. Two contemporaneous portraits by Rosso Fiorentino (National Gallery, London; National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC) offer close comparisons; the unknown sitters in both wear hats and tunics with ballooning sleeves, that are markedly similar to the costume of the sitter in Sarto’s portrait. (Both these sartorial flourishes would soon disappear from the lexicon of Florentine male fashion, to be replaced by small berets and tighter, often slashed, sleeves).
This dating places the work some seven or eight years later than the celebrated portrait of a man—possibly Lorenzo di Matteo Peri, a Florentine stationer—in the National Gallery, London, with which it nevertheless shares a number of similarities, notably the same half-length format and tight compression of the sitter in a shallow, unarticulated space; the presence and placement of a single, sparse piece of furniture; and the dark, non-descript background. Their faces each partly enveloped in shadow, both sitters’ heads are turned at the identical ¾ angle, and their poses, with arm extended along the lower edge of the composition, are analogous if essentially reversed, with one seen from the front and the other from the rear. Separating the execution of these two masterful portraits was Andrea’s presumed trip to Rome, where he would have seen Raphael’s recent work. Unparalleled in Florentine portraiture of the period, the sober dignity of the man in the present portrait is indebted to Raphael’s portrayals of male sitters like Baldassare Castiglione (Paris, Louvre), Agostino Beazzano (the sitter on the left in the double portrait; Rome, Palazzo Doria-Pamphilj), and Antonio Tebaldeo (whereabouts unknown), all executed in the mid-1510s.
The identity of Andrea del Sarto’s sitter is unknown, but his elegant and obviously costly attire conveys his wealth and elevated social standing. While most of the artists’ portraits, like those of his collaborator Franciabigio (1482-1525), depict merchants, artisans, and functionaries—identified by the tools of their respective trades that appear as attributes in their portraits — the subject here is a patrician, as his costume, it bears repeating, clearly signals. In the 1520s, when the portrait was painted, Florence was nominally a republic, although the powerful Medici family—long the true wielders of political power of the city, which clung to the trappings of its proud republican past while knowing the pretense was performative rather than authentic—had reestablished a political stranglehold after a period of exile. In this perilous and politically fraught decade, which culminated in the bloody Siege of Florence in 1529-30, the definitive demise of the republic, and the official establishment of the Medici as autocratic hereditary dukes, the populace was divided into pro-Medicean and pro-republican camps. Some portraits of the period appear to contain coded messaging about the sitter’s political leanings. A case in point is Pontormo’s seductive portrait of two friends (Venice, Cini Foundation): the letter with a legible passage from the ancient Roman orator and statesman Cicero’s dialogue On Friendship held by one of the sitters has been interpreted as obliquely signaling their, or the unknown recipient’s, republican sympathies. This interesting interpretation is speculative, but what is certain is that one and perhaps both the sitters—Pontormo’s close friends, according to Vasari, who referred to this portrait in his biography of the artist—were the sons-in-law of the glassmaker Beccuccio Bicchieraio (Domenico di Jacopo di Matteo), whose appealing likeness was captured by Andrea del Sarto in a slightly later portrait (Edinburgh, National Galleries of Scotland).
Given that it lacks any of the pictorial devices believed to signal pro-Republican (and therefore anti-Medicean) sentiments, the present portrait may depict someone in the pro-Medici camp, a surmise bolstered by the observation that the sitter wears the traditional colors—red and blue—of the familiar Medici stemma (coat-of-arts) with its red and blue palle (balls). It has been suggested that the subject is Ottaviano de’ Medici (1484-1546), a member of a minor branch of the Medici family. As yet uncorroborated by documentary evidence, the proposal is compelling nonetheless, and it warrants due consideration. Ottaviano was married to Lorenzo de’ Medici’s grand-daughter Francesca Salviati—the probable subject of a fetching portrait of woman in a red gown by Bronzino (Frankfurt, Städel Museum)—a pedigree that gave him impressive bona fides in pro-Medicean circles, and he operated as a loyal agent and guardian of the family’s interests in Florence during the pontificates of the Medici popes Leo X (r. 1513-21) and Clement VII (r. 1523-34). Ottaviano was, moreover, the patron of Andrea del Sarto, who painted the Medici Holy Family (Florence, Uffizi) for him. When his Medicean allegiance landed him in prison during the waning days of the Florentine republic, the artist safeguarded the coveted picture, fending off offers by clamoring would-be buyers until Ottaviano was freed and could take ownership. (The grateful client paid him double.) He was also a mentor of Giorgio Vasari, who credited his early success as an artist at the new Medici ducal court in Florence in the mid-1530s to Ottaviano’s sponsorship.
One of Ottaviano’s undertakings as a Medici henchman in Florence was the formation of a family portrait gallery, for which he gathered and occasionally commissioned images of illustrious relations. These included Raphael’s Portrait of Leo X with Two Cardinals (Palazzo Pitti), Lorenzo de’ Medici, Duke of Urbino (private collection), and Giuliano de’ Medici, Duke of Nemours (a version is in the Metropolitan Museum of Art), Pontormo’s posthumous Cosimo de’ Medici, Pater Patriae (Florence, Uffizi), and two symbol-laden portraits by Vasari, Lorenzo il Magnifico, and Duke Alessandro de’ Medici in Armor (both Florence, Uffizi)—the latter a blatant piece of Medici political propaganda in its assertion of the dubious Alessandro’s right to rule the subjugated city of Florence. Here again, he and Andrea del Sarto intersected: when the newly elected Pope Clement VII ordered Raphael’s portrait of Leo X sent off as a diplomatic gift in 1523 (roughly the date of the present work), Ottaviano, loathe to relinquish it, had Sarto execute a copy, which was dispatched in its stead. So masterful was the replica that it persuaded in its deception (and so in demand was the original that Ottaviano later had Vasari make another copy; that version is now in Holkham Hall).
As the Medici popes’ trusted “boots on the ground” in Florence, which they surveilled and meddled in ceaselessly from their lofty perch in Rome, Ottaviano’s most important assignment was to oversee the campaign to fresco the salone of Poggio a Caiano, a family villa outside Florence, with historical scenes celebrating—and mythologizing—the Medici dynasty. (The project was conceived at the end of the pontificate of Leo X, when his cousin and close confidante, Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, the future Clement VII, was Archbishop of Florence and de facto ruler of the city.) Foremost among the narratives was Andrea del Sarto’s Tribute to Caesar (1520-21), a thinly veiled glorification of Medici political power carried out not long before the present portrait. As a key protagonist in this ambitious commission, Ottaviano was a party to and purveyor of Medici myth-making. Given his ongoing association with Andrea del Sarto, it is easy to imagine that the artist would have executed Ottaviano’s portrait—a tantalizing scenario in which the present work undoubtedly figures.
A clue to the identity of the sitter here resides in the small casket on the table and its contents. These appear to be wax seals. Affixed to private letters, diplomatic correspondence, and official documents as a mark of authenticity, seals denote the holder’s (and often, the recipient’s) authority and high station, the status Ottaviano de’ Medici enjoyed in Florence. A roughly contemporaneous portrait illustrating their use in this way is Sebastiano del Piombo’s Ferry Carondelet and his Two Secretaries (Madrid, Thyssen-Bornemisza Museum). Garbed in a costly, fur-lined cloak and seated at a table covered in a Lotto rug (like his costume, a sign of wealth and status), the prelate-diplomat clutches a folded letter. Several other, opened missives, their red wax seals visible, clutter the table before him. Papal legate to the court of the Hapsburg Emperor Maximilian at the time the portrait was executed, Carondelet is obviously the recipient of these written communications, responses to which are being penned by the attentive secretary seated beside him.
Essential for identifying the sitter, the seals in the Sarto portrait —if seals they in fact are—are not entirely analogous. They are not affixed to correspondence but have been pried or cut out of the paper to which they were originally attached and assembled like precious gems (a collecting specialty of the Medici) in the small, silk-lined casket. Moreover, the sitter here—who is neither a secretary, as his elegant garb makes clear, nor a dignitary executing the duties of rank or office—is not engaged in any act of writing, personal or professional, in which seals would be used, as the absence of paper and writing implements makes clear. There is a marked difference between this man’s withdrawn reverie in the presence of his enigmatic tokens and the active, alert attitude of the young man writing in a ledger book, a folded letter with a wax seal seen on the ledge before him, in a contemporary portrait by Franciabigio (Berlin, Gemäldegalerie). Comparison with the portraits by both Sebastiano and Franciabigio make clear that, whoever it represents, this is a private rather than an official or public image. The same is true of the National Gallery portrait, whose sitter, absorbed in a private pursuit, turns his back to the viewer and looks back over his shoulder, interrupted. And while the present work cannot be considered a friendship portrait, as the London portrait surely is—the patrician sitter here is the artist’s social superior rather than his equal—it is of note that both are painted on thin canvas or linen, a lightweight support that was more easily transportable, and less expensive, than wood panel. The implications of its use here remain to be more fully investigated.
In keeping with the interpretation of the portrait as a private rather than public or official depiction, the excised seals (for lack of a clearer identification) in their elegant coffer should be seen as mementos having personal meaning or value to the sitter. (Were they attached to letters he received, they signify his impressive network of connections—a visual iteration of Renaissance name-dropping.) In this regard, they are akin to the kind of precious and esoteric bibelots frequently displayed by subjects in Renaissance portraits as signs of their cultivated taste and erudition, a convention seen, for instance, in Alessandro Allori’s portrait of Ortensia Montauto de’ Bardi (Florence, Uffizi).
Whoever the sitter here might be, his averted gaze and introspective mien suggest contemplation rather than action: he is not engaged in the worlds of commerce or diplomacy, nor does he have the character of a humanist or poet like the male sitters in Raphael’s Roman portraits. Withdrawn and absorbed in thought, he ruminates on the rarefied objects before him that carry personal and private meaning. Significantly, his aspect recalls one of Michelangelo’s capitani in the Medici Chapel in San Lorenzo in Florence, an idealized portrayal of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Duke of Urbino, who is often characterized as a personification of the vita contemplativa (contemplative life). The portrait transcends mere descriptive likeness to capture what Leonardo called the “moti mentali”—the animating movements of the mind—even if its subject evasively guards those inner thoughts. In this consummate demonstration of his great gifts as a portraitist, Vasari’s declaration that Andrea del Sarto was “senza errore”—in essence, the perfect painter—resounds.

Estátua de um Homem Egípcio em Calcário, Final da 5ª Dinastia, Circa 2440-2355 A. C., Egito

 














Estátua de um Homem Egípcio em Calcário, Final da 5ª Dinastia, Circa 2440-2355 A. C., Egito
Fotografia


Property from an American Private Collection.
An Egyptian Limestone Figure of a Man.
Late 5th Dynasty, circa 2440-2355 B.C.
Striding on a rectangular base with slightly tapering back pillar, his arms held to his sides, his hands gripping short staves, with powerful legs and broad shoulders, and wearing a short wrap-around kilt, knotted belt with tab drawn up beside the navel, and short layered wig of notched curls; remains of red pigment on the body, yellow on the flap of the kilt, blue and turquoise on the knot and tab of the belt, and black on the wig, pillar, and base. Height 31 5/8 in; 80.3 cm.
Excavated at Giza (Serdab of Weri and Meti [G2415]), by American archeologist George Andrew Reisner on behalf of the Harvard University-Museum of Fine Arts, Boston expedition, and awarded to the museum by the Egyptian Government Antiquities Service in 1921.
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Sotheby Parke Bernet, New York, December 14th, 1978, lot 304, illus.).
British Rail Pension Fund, United Kingdom (Sotheby's, London, July 2nd, 1996, no. 52).
acquired by the present owner after the above sale.
Egypt’s Old Kingdom (2663-2195 B.C.) is considered its Classical Age and nothing later ever quite equaled it. Renowned for its spare purity of form, the sculpture of this era, the Age of the Pyramids, has a timeless beauty and serenity unmatched by other periods. This commanding statue of a man is an outstanding example of the art of this incomparable era.
The figure was excavated by the great American archeologist, George Andrew Reisner working for the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston at Giza in the shadow of the Great Pyramid in 1913 and was awarded to the Museum by the Egyptian Government Antiquities Service through partage or a division of finds, which allowed foreign expeditions to retain and export some of the material they discovered in the course of their work.
The statue came from a tomb (G 2415) located in the Great Western Cemetery beside the Pyramid of Khufu belonging to a man named Weri and his wife Meti dating to the Fifth Dynasty, probably during the reign of Niuserra circa 2432-2421 B.C. It originally stood in the serdab or statue chamber, a feature of these mastaba tombs which contained sculptures of the tomb owner and his family. The statues served a purpose as a home for the spirit in case anything might happen to the mummy. For this reason an individual might have multiple images of him or herself, and usually depicted as young and vigorous. This statue is one of seven limestone figures that were found in the serdab, including ones of Weri and a pair statue of a man named Ikhui and his wife Bebi, who may have been relatives of Weri.
The statue is uninscribed, but most probably represents Weri, and depicts him striding forward with his left leg advanced in a pose typical of the period. He wears a wig composed or rows of curls and a knee-length kilt tied at the waist with a belt knotted in the front and the tab end sticking up beside his navel. His muscular arms grasp two round bosses, a stylistic feature often found in Egyptian sculpture. The cubic form of the image along with the back pillar were intended to make sure that the sculpture would survive intact as an eternal home for the soul. Such large statues are rare, as is the preservation of much of the pigment on the surface. William Stevenson Smith, art historian of the Old Kingdom, noted that the Weri group of sculptures, “…characterizes the best of the small private statues of Late Dynasty V.”

O Homem das Dores (The Man of Sorrows) - Sandro Botticelli

 







O Homem das Dores (The Man of Sorrows) - Sandro Botticelli
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Têmpera e óleo sobre painel - 69x51


Profoundly arresting and highly original, Sandro Botticelli’s Man of Sorrows is a defining masterpiece from the artist’s late career. Dating to the cusp of the sixteenth century, this painting enriches our understanding of a Florentine artist best known for his beautiful Madonnas, captivating portraits, and enchanting allegorical and mythological scenes. After the political and religious uprisings in Florence in the 1490s, a notable shift occurred in Botticelli’s pictorial language, and his works became more somber and spiritual in character. Although religious in subject, this painting has a strikingly realistic quality that imparts the individuality of a portrait. Christ’s two distinct natures as both perfectly divine and perfectly human find their fullest expression here, a testament to the prodigious talents of one of the greatest artists of the Italian Renaissance. An important rediscovery, this picture comes to light as scholars argue for a more nuanced reading of Botticelli’s work in the context of his own spirituality and a fuller understanding of the creative impulses that led to the innovative masterpieces of his late years.
In Botticelli’s Man of Sorrows, the viewer encounters Christ wearing a pleated crimson robe in a strictly frontal pose, set against a somber, dark background. His half-length figure, nearly life-size, fills the composition; his long, flowing auburn hair frames his brightly illuminated and sensitively modeled face. Delicate drops of blood from the sharp tendrils of his crown of thorns trickle into the softly reddened areas around his slate gray eyes, his gaze at once both sorrowful and serene. A closely trimmed beard sets off his high cheekbones, strong jaw-line, and thin upper lip, ever so slightly raised, as if parted to speak. With tightly bound arms and wrists, he crosses his hands in front of his chest, displaying to the viewer the wounds of the Crucifixion on his hands and at his side. Though nearly imperceptible, the delicate asymmetries in the picture further imbue it with a palpable sense of immediacy and remarkable psychological depth, particularly in the faint irregularity of the position of Christ’s eyes. and even more so in the gentle lean of his head to the left, a slightly straining muscle in his neck suggesting he has perhaps only just shifted position.
The delicate halo of angels painted en grisaille and orbiting Christ’s head is perhaps the painting’s most distinctive feature. Clothed in billowing fabrics, their graceful figures contrast markedly with the crown of long, sharp, blue-green thorns. All but one angel shield their grief-stricken faces from the sight before them, as they hold the Arma Christi, or the instruments of Christ’s Passion that symbolize his death and suffering. Botticelli captured each of these implements in naturalistic colors and with meticulous detail. On the left is the ladder that features in the Raising of the Cross and the Descent; the scourge used to flagellate Christ; and the lance with which he was stabbed; on the right is the column to which Christ was bound and flogged; as well as the pincers used to draw out the nails; finally the sponge soaked in vinegar and fixed to a pole that is offered to Christ before his death. Crowning the design at the top is the cross, which is prominently positioned above Christ’s head as a symbol of his sacrifice, but also as the universal emblem of the Christian religion. A trio of angels connected by the elegant, serpentine lines of a ribbon-like cloth—possibly the shroud to wrap Christ’s body for burial—is arranged around the cross: the central figure kneels in reverence before it; the one at left holds up the three nails used to fasten Christ’s hands and feet to the cross; and the angel on the right may have once held the hammer to drive in these nails. The most conspicuous omissions from the Arma Christi are the chalice used to catch Christ’s redeeming blood as well as the sudarium, or veil, used by Saint Veronica to wipe the sweat from Christ’s brow as he bears his cross to Calvary. The viewer is left to imagine these in the hands of one of the angels hidden, or partially hidden, from sight, including the one whose foot appears from behind Christ’s hair at right.
Indeed, in Botticelli’s conception, the Passion is further evoked by two accessories: the crown and the rope used by the soldiers for his arrest, rendered here as doubled loops that bind Christ’s upper arms and wrists, as well as a variation of the words of the titulus from the cross (INRI: Iesus Nazarenus Rex Iudaeorum, or Jesus the Nazarene King of the Jews) partially inscribed on the neckline of his robe: [CHR]ISTO/ JESVNAZAR/ ENOR[…].
In this painting, Botticelli seamlessly blends Christ’s divinity and humanity into one, or in other words, his dual nature as both fully God and fully man. The directness of the image—above all the piercing quality of Christ’s gaze—evokes secular imagery and portraiture in such a way that it elicits a powerful and discernible response. Concurrently, the close-up view presents the head and torso of Christ displaying three wounds: those in his hands from when he is nailed to the cross and the wound in his right side inflicted with a lance by one of the soldiers after his death. Thus, the viewer is invited to contemplate simultaneously the Crucifixion, Redemption, and Resurrection. The intense religious experience elicited in the mind of the viewer by the sheer physical presence of the crucified Christ illuminates both his humanity and his divinity.
Botticelli’s Man of Sorrows has been in private hands since the nineteenth century when it was first recorded in the collection of the famed opera singer Adelaide Kemble Sartoris (1815–1879). The painting remained with her descendants until its auction in 1963, where it was acquired by the present owner. At the time of that sale, Federico Zeri identified it as an autograph work by Botticelli and suggested a completion date of about 1500. Due in part to the picture remaining out of the public eye for much of the last century, thus hampering its study and discussion, it was largely overlooked in critical scholarly discourse. Until its inclusion in the major monographic exhibition devoted to Botticelli at the Städel Museum in Frankfurt in 2009–2010, the painting was not widely known in the literature on the artist, receiving only a brief mention in Ronald Lightbown’s catalogue of Botticelli’s work, in which he took a restrictive view of the artist’s production. More recently, however, this highly original painting has been reassessed in the context of Botticelli’s late career and Zeri’s opinion in favor of its autograph status has been upheld by several art historians, foremost among them Laurence B. Kanter and Keith Christiansen, both of whom know it firsthand and consider it a remarkable work by Sandro Botticelli.
As pointed out by Kanter, there are long-standing misconceptions surrounding Botticelli’s late career as first perpetuated by Vasari, and the artist’s late paintings still provoke some debate today. Botticelli’s work around the turn of the century became increasingly spiritual, and his Mystic Nativity of 1500 in the National Gallery, London —the only signed and dated painting by the artist—is a case in point. Herbert Horne, the early twentieth-century cataloguer of Botticelli’s work, accepted as autograph only five paintings from the artist’s last decade. In his 1978 publication, Lightbown listed this Man of Sorrows under "workshop and school pictures" as one of the versions of this subject to have been attributed to Botticelli or his workshop. Unillustrated, he describes it as the Redeemer, following his discussion of a group of three paintings of the Resurrected Christ: a version at the Detroit Institute of Arts attributed to Sandro Botticelli by some scholars but deemed to be a workshop product by others; and two variants at the Accademia Carrara, Bergamo and the Fogg Museum, Cambridge.
When presented in the 2009-2010 exhibition at the Städel Museum, this painting was denoted as an unpublished, fully autograph work. In the exhibition catalogue, it is discussed in detail by Bastien Eclercy, who writes: "…the rediscovered painting from a private collection thus not only represents an important new example of Botticelli’s late period, but also adds a striking facet to our understanding of the depiction of Christ in the Renaissance." At the time of the exhibition, Scott Nethersole referred in very few words to its attribution in his review of the show. He proposed that the attribution of the aforementioned Detroit Christ, described in the Städel catalogue as a workshop painting of around 1490 and depicting a different iconographic type, be swapped with that of the present painting on qualitative grounds. However, comparison of the two does not bear out this view, and Nethersole has since revised his opinion and is considerably more positive about the present painting's attribution. He now considers The Man of Sorrows to have been largely painted by Botticelli. Following examination of the infra-red images of the painting, he is reassured by the changes throughout the composition and particularly those made to the hands, consistent with Botticelli's workshop practice.
As Eclercy aptly argues in his entry on the present Man of Sorrows: "In both quality and complexity, the painting far surpasses the half-length depictions of Christ from the Botticelli workshop currently known to scholars." Christiansen singled out the extraordinary figure of Christ, whose face shows signs of humanity and judgement: Christ as the Son of Man and Christ the judge. Kanter considers it a masterpiece of the artist’s late period and dates it to the first decade of the 1500s, placing it later than the Mystic Nativity of 1500 in the National Gallery in London, and perhaps even as late as 1510, very close to Botticelli’s death. While Kanter supports the autograph status of the Detroit Christ, he considers that painting to be one in a series of repetitions of types, but he regards the present Man of Sorrows as a wholly original work by Sandro Botticelli.
The most inventive feature of this painting is the remarkable ring of angels encircling Christ’s head. This motif, along with the bold conception of the painting as a whole, belie the originality of a master of the highest order and further point to Botticelli’s creative mind. Traditionally, such angels were found surrounding Christ as the Man of Sorrows as he stands in the tomb and displays his wounds, whereas here they form Christ’s halo. In terms of pose and the all’antica style of their garments, as well as the articulation of wings and feet, the angels are comparable in form and expressiveness to those in Botticelli’s Coronation of the Virgin altarpiece from San Marco, today in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence, and in the aforementioned Mystic Nativity.
These angels and their strong graphic presence, moreover, are especially akin to the celestial figures in one of Botticelli’s greatest achievements: his magnificent series of drawings made to illustrate the epic poem The Divine Comedy (La Divina Commedia) by Italy’s most celebrated medieval poet, Dante Alighieri (1265–1321). This project to illustrate all one hundred of the poem’s cantos was undertaken for Lorenzo the Magnificent’s cousin and former ward, Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici (1463–1503), the owner of Botticelli’s famous mythologies. The poem describes the author’s imaginary journey through Hell, Purgatory and Heaven. Botticelli grappled with the immense challenge of rendering Dante’s allegory on the quest for spiritual enlightenment for many years, beginning this endeavor probably in the 1480s and continuing until the 1490s. In his Lives of the Artists, the sixteenth-century biographer Giorgio Vasari tells us Botticelli wasted much time and effort on his Dante project, "neglecting his work and thoroughly disrupting his life." Although this ambitious program remained unfinished, it still stands as one of the greatest expressions of Botticelli’s genius, and clear visual affinities can be drawn between the figures that animate Dante’s poems and the angels in the Man of Sorrows. Close comparisons, for example, appear in Botticelli’s drawings for Paradiso IV and Paradiso XXVIII, both of which are today preserved in the Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin.
Further corroboration for the Man of Sorrows autograph status lies in the remarkable visual parallels between it and works found elsewhere in Botticelli’s corpus. Indeed, use of subtle gradations of light and shade to model Christ’s face, a trademark stylistic element of the artist, has recently been compared with Botticelli’s portrait of Michele Marullo Tarcaniota. The manner in which the hands are painted, particularly in the way both little fingers are rendered with a slight bend, is a consistent detail employed by the artist throughout his career, such as in all three of the figures in the Bardi Altarpiece of about 1484–1485 in the Staatliche Museen in Berlin. Additional analogies are visible in Botticelli’s Lamentation in the Poldi Pezzoli Museum, a late work by the artist that not only features a similar blue-green crown of thorns but also employs a figure covering her face in grief, a gesture echoed by the angels that comprise Christ’s halo. This action is a seeming allusion to a pathos ridden formula suggested by Leon Battista Alberti in his De Pictura, particularly how by covering a mourning figure’s face the artist creates an emotional response that allows the audience to more completely imagine the full extent of this state of grief.
Alessandro di Mariano di Vanni Filipepi, known as Sandro Botticelli, was born around 1444–1445, the son of a tanner. He lived and worked in Florence for nearly all his career, and his considerable talents were recognized at a young age. A consummate Italian Renaissance artist, he was the progenitor of some of the most enduring images of the age. In the 1470s and 1480s, Botticelli secured regular commissions and support from the Medici family and their elite entourage, for whom he painted opulent religious works and sophisticated mythologies expressing the highest ideals of classical literature and philosophy. Botticelli’s Man of Sorrows, however, arose from a markedly different moment in his career, one that bore witness to a dramatic shift in the political, social, and religious life of the Florence he knew so well.
This painting is thought to date to the final years of Botticelli’s artistic practice, from the years around 1500 to perhaps even as late as 1510, the year he died. The last years of the fifteenth century were deeply troubled: in 1494 Florence was invaded by foreign armies, the Medici family was expelled, and fears of an apocalypse at the turn of the half-millennium were fueled by the hell-fire preaching of the fervent Dominican friar Girolamo Savonarola (1452–1498). Appointed Prior of San Marco, the convent favored by the Medici, Savonarola grew in power and popular appeal in the 1490s. A charismatic preacher, he railed against the sin and iniquity of the Florentine populace, becoming a veiled religious dictator. He declared Florence a new Jerusalem, demanded that the citizens purge themselves of sin and instigated the Bonfire of the Vanities: luxury objects, clothing and paintings considered idolatrous were burned, including possibly some works by Botticelli. Eventually the Signoria—Florence’s ruling council—arrested Savonarola, tried him, and made him confess to being a false prophet. On 28 May 1498, they had him hanged and burnt as a heretic in the Piazza della Signoria. Yet even after his death, Savonarola’s impassioned religiosity had a lingering effect on the populace of Florence and on the pictorial language of artists for years to come.
Savonarola scorned the type of art which gave Botticelli his fame, though he remained devoutly Christian throughout his life. In his biography of the artist, Vasari declared the painter to have been among Savonarola’s followers (known as piagnoni, or “weepers”). Indeed, Botticelli’s brother, Simone, with whom he shared a house, was documented as a supporter of Savonarola, and in November 1499, over a year after the friar’s execution, Simone wrote in his diary that he used Sandro’s studio for clandestine meetings of sympathizers. Vasari’s claim that Botticelli never painted again after Savonarola’s death is untrue. Instead, the artist undoubtedly fell under the friar’s influence, as did the wider Florentine population, and Savonarola’s teachings impacted not only the subjects he chose to depict but also those in demand among the collecting public of this period around the turn of the millennium. In these later years, Botticelli began to produce more sober and spiritual paintings, and his style became more archaic in form. Themes from the sermons of the Dominican preacher surface in paintings such as the Mystic Nativity in the National Gallery and the Mystic Crucifixion of about 1500 preserved in the Fogg Museum, both of which transcribe separate apocalyptic visions of Savonarola. Certainly, The Man of Sorrows underscores Savonarola’s message of a return of his contemporaries to the fundamental tenets of the Christian faith.
Rooted in early Christian imagery, half-length depictions of Christ reached their apogee during the High Renaissance. The potency of this representation inspired varied treatments of the theme on both sides of the Alps, with Northern artists focusing on the trauma of Christ’s Passion and Italian artists exploring the inherent humanity of the Godhead incarnate. Botticelli’s Man of Sorrows is wholly reflective of this dual creative impulse explored by some of the greatest artistic geniuses of the early modern era.
In his unique design of the Man of Sorrows, Botticelli integrated several thematically related pictorial types whose iconographic traditions occasionally overlap. First is the archetypal image of the later Middle Ages of Christ as the Man of Sorrows (or Imago pietatis), a devotional image in which Christ prominently displays the wounds in his side and hands after his Crucifixion. Second is the Ecce Homo, or the moment when a scourged Christ stands before Pontius Pilate and a crowd. In this tradition, he is shown bound with ropes with his arms crossed before him, and he wears a crown of thorns and a purple robe—the color emphasizing his royal status as Christ the King, a descendant of the house of David. The final is the vera icon, or the “true image” of the face of Christ, like the one imprinted on Veronica’s veil as he carried his cross on the way to Calvary; in this tradition Christ is often shown frontally, upright, in direct confrontation to the viewer. In seamlessly combining all of these pictorial types into one united whole Botticelli captures an image that suspends temporal constraints.
Though unprecedented in his oeuvre and the wider artistic landscape, Botticelli’s iconographic invention reflected influences from both the North and the South. The impact of Northern artists is perhaps reflected in Botticelli’s choice and treatment of this subject matter, particularly insofar as such works conveyed an intensity of spiritual feeling shared by Botticelli himself. For example, the iconography of the Redeemer, shown in the act of blessing as the Salvator Mundi and combined with the attributes of the Man of Sorrows, wearing a crown of thorns and presenting his wounds, is prevalent in fifteenth century Netherlandish painting. Botticelli’s Christ in Detroit, for instance, bears a marked resemblance to a Man of Sorrows by Hans Memling whose provenance can be traced to a Florentine collection and is today preserved at Palazzo Bianco, Genoa. The direct manner in which Christ is presented also harks back to other models, the work of Eyckian artists such as Petrus Christus offering some additional analogies. For instance, Christus’ small devotional image of Christ in the Metropolitan Museum of Art of about 1445 similarly treats the head as a portrait. The connection between Botticelli and the North also runs in the other direction, and echoes of Botticelli’s highly original iconography are found in the later work of Haarlem painter Jan Mostaert (act. 1498; d. 1552/3), particularly in his Christ as the Man of Sorrows with a Halo of Angels in the Hamburger Kunsthalle.
But perhaps one of the most striking predecessors to Botticelli’s exploration of this theme is Fra Angelico’s Head of Christ of circa 1435 in the Church of Santa Maria del Soccorso in Livorno, one of the earliest half-length portrayals of Christ against a somber background explored by an Italian artist, though with clear roots also in the North. Like the present painting, Fra Angelico shows a frontal Christ crowned with thorns with bloodshot eyes and wearing a red robe with the words REX REGUM inscribed in the gold of his collar. Fra Angelico’s work was influential on contemporary and later artists, even inspiring a copy by Benozzo Gozzoli, today in the Museo della Basilica in San Francesco in Assisi. In Botticelli’s treatment of Christ, there is also a pronounced emphasis on the wound in his side, underscoring his identity as the Resurrected Christ. Andrea del Verrocchio’s celebrated sculpture of Christ and St Thomas, completed in 1483 for the exterior of Orsanmichele in Florence, has also been discussed as a point of departure for Botticelli’s image. In the sculpture, Christ opens his robe to reveal the wound so that Thomas may see for himself by touching that Christ is risen from the dead. The implicit meaning in Botticelli’s painting places the viewer in the role of Thomas, thereby acting as witness to Christ’s Resurrection.
Botticelli’s “pathos laden” image of Christ as the Man of Sorrows is described as “resolutely symbolic” by David Ekserdjian, who favors a dating of around 1500 for the work. Interestingly, the most striking contemporary comparisons to this painting are two other masterpieces from exactly the same moment: Albrecht Dürer’s Christ-like Self-Portrait and Leonardo da Vinci’s Salvator Mundi. The former is the ultimate example of an artist looking at earlier Flemish models of this type in order to re-imagine their own image making. The latter, while differing in mood, shares with the protagonist of the present picture an “apparent refusal to allow the viewer to look away,” according to Ekserdjian. Indeed, Botticelli endows Christ's gaze with great intensity of feeling, compelling the viewer to look and urging us to meditate.
This painting has survived in overall good condition, allowing for a fuller appreciation of Botticelli’s confident skills as a painter. Although painted late in the artist’s life, characteristic elements employed by Botticelli throughout his career are visible throughout. The modeling of Christ’s flesh, for example, is built up with delicate brushstrokes of brown and pink atop soft creamy tones. The three dimensional cross at the top of Christ’s head was rendered by way of incisions into the painted surface, a practice commonly employed by Botticelli to help lay out certain elements of his composition, as visible in his Portrait of a Young Man Holding a Roundel.
Further insight into the artist’s creative process is unveiled through modern imaging technology. Infrared imaging of Botticelli’s Man of Sorrows reveals a number of changes he made as he worked through the composition. Some adjustments are visible, for example, in the placement of a few of the thorns on his temple, an alteration to the position of Christ’s eyebrows, a slight shift in the outline of his chin, and a lowering of Christ’s wound at his side. The distinct changes observable in the rendering of Christ’s hands further underscore Botticelli’s authorship, particularly in the refined contours of the fingers as well as their placement in space. In addition to the noticeable shift in the foreshortening of Christ’s proper left thumb, his middle finger on that same hand was originally conceived as visible outside of the open wound, an idea the Botticelli ultimately changed in his final conception.
The same infrared imaging also shows elements of a partial and unrelated underdrawing, affirming that the panel was originally prepared for an entirely different image. Although difficult to discern in an upright position, when turning the infrared image upside down, outlines of what appear to be early stages of the figures of the Christ Child and the Madonna come more clearly into view. Mother and Child appear close to the upper edge of the composition and seem to be pressed cheek to cheek in an endearing composition, derived from the venerable image of the Virgin Eleousa (of “tenderness”), a type that was common in the Greek tradition and adapted by many later Italian painters of the Renaissance. The head of the Christ Child, with his upward gaze, is supported by the left hand of the Madonna, and the thick folds of her mantle are visible at her shoulder near the right of the composition. This particular compositional pose is found in a number of paintings by Botticelli and from his workshop, indicating that the earlier idea for a painting of the Madonna, a mainstay of Botticelli’s production, was replaced with what would be a virtually unique and inspired invention by the master.
The reverse of the panel bears what appears to be an old and as yet unidentified inventory number (355.) painted in red in the upper left. Also visible near the center of the upper edge is a wax seal that may point to provenance of the painting in Rome, possibly where the earliest recorded owners, the Sartorises, acquired it, as they resided in the Eternal City for many years.
Like many paintings by Botticelli, the provenance of this painting dates back to the nineteenth century. It was in this period of a reawakened interest in late quattrocento Florentine history and art that Botticelli resumed his rightful position as one of the most admired and beloved artists of the Renaissance. Botticelli’s Man of Sorrows once formed part of the collection of the wealthy politician Edward John Sartoris (1814–1888) and his wife Adelaide Kemble Sartoris (1815–1879), a famous opera singer and the niece of the celebrated actress Sarah Siddons and John Philip Kemble. It then descended in the Sartoris family until Adelaide’s great-granddaughter, The Hon. Pamela Margaret Stanley, consigned it in 1963 for sale at Sotheby’s, where it was acquired by the present owner.
Adelaide and Edward Sartoris were well-connected in society and within many artistic circles in the places they lived and traveled, spending ample time in Italy, particularly Rome, as well as Paris and London. Frederic, Lord Leighton, met the couple in Rome in 1853, and they quickly were counted among his closest friends. Regularly frequenting Adelaide’s literary and artistic Salons in Rome, Leighton formed a very strong relationship with Adelaide, one that could be described as an intense but platonic adoration, devotion and reliance, and one that would last until her death in 1879. Leighton painted several portraits of Adelaide and Edward’s eldest daughter, May Sartoris, perhaps the most recognizable being the one today in the Kimbell Art Museum. May was also the grandmother of the Hon. Pamela Margaret Stanley, the consignor of the present painting when it last appeared on the market in 1963. A recently rediscovered painting by Leighton entitled “Italian Girl,” which belonged to Edward and Adelaide Sartoris, was recently sold at Sotheby's, London, on 14 July 2021, lot 1. Their collection also featured a number of Old Masters, including the present work as well as a Gentile da Fabriano today preserved in the National Gallery of Art in Washington, D.C., as part of the Samuel H. Kress Collection.

Madona e Criança / Madona de Phillips (The Madonna and Child at a Ledge with an Apple / "The Philips Madonna") - Giovanni Bellini

 







Madona e Criança / Madona de Phillips (The Madonna and Child at a Ledge with an Apple / "The Philips Madonna") - Giovanni Bellini
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Giovanni Bellini, more than any other Venetian painter of his generation, realized the full artistic potential of the Renaissance, becoming in a real sense the father of the golden age of Venetian painting. In addition to numerous “belliniani”—apprentices who would later become independent masters in their own right—he trained some of the greatest artistic geniuses of the early sixteenth century. Cima da Conegliano, Lorenzo Lotto, Sebastiano del Piombo and, most importantly, Titian, were all pupils of Bellini. His long career charts the progress of Venetian painting from a late gothic to a modern, classical style, without which the masterpieces of Giorgione and Titian would not have been possible.
Of all the subjects favored by Giovanni Bellini, his depictions of the Madonna and Child have been perhaps the most prized by collectors. This Madonna and Child is a key early work by the artist. It has been dated by Mauro Lucco to circa 1460, just after Bellini set up an independent workshop in 1459 in the parish of San Lio, near the Rialto Bridge. Even at this early date, Bellini’s progressive approach to the subject is evident. The gold ground on which the image is painted represents a conservative trend still prevalent in Venetian painting in the mid-fifteenth century, espoused by the rival Vivarini family of painters; it harkens back to Venice’s enduring relationship with the art of the Greek east. However, the dynamism of the pose of the figure of the infant Christ in this painting demonstrates Bellini’s awareness of the “new style” being formulated throughout Italy. The composition echoes the terracotta reliefs of this same theme by Donatello, whose own work had made such an impression in Venetian artistic circles during the previous two decades. Indeed, Mauro Lucco has recently connected the pose of the bambino with that of one of the putti in the so-called “Trono di Saturno,” a pair of ancient reliefs that decorated an archway between Piazza San Marco and the Frezzaria which furnished inspiration not just for Donatello, but also Mantegna, Titian and Sansovino.
While known to scholars, this Madonna and Child has been largely inaccessible for the last century. It was acquired by Anton Philips (1874-1951), the great entrepreneur and co-founder of Royal Philips Electronics from the famous Munich dealer, Julius Böhler, after which it has remained in the family’s collection. Most modern scholars have known it only through old black and white photographs, likely taken when the painting was in the collection of Charles Loeser in Florence, or shortly thereafter. The earliest images of the painting show later enhancements, likely made in the 19th century: a band of pseudo-kufic decoration interspersed with pearl rosettes was along the edge of the Virgin’s mantle (indeed, a small section of this has been purposefully left at foot of the Infant Christ lower right). The plain, mulberry tunic of the Madonna was also covered with a pomegranate/damask design. These later additions were removed in the first half of the twentieth century, to reveal the artist’s original intent. However, these accretions no doubt caused some confusion amongst scholars who were studying the picture only in photographs. Except for the engraved reproduction of the image published by Salomon Reinach, the painting was only reproduced in print by Gronau in 1930, who himself commented he had never seen the original. This inaccessibility led to a wide variety of opinions on the painting, from variations in dating, to the painting being a studio work, and even a suggested attribution to Bellini’s contemporary, Lazzaro Bastiani by Anchise Tempestini. Federico Zeri rejected that assertion, and considered it to be from the “stretto ambito di Giovanni Bellini,” while Jean Paris restituted the painting to Giovanni Bellini himself. Bernard Berenson, presumably one of the few scholars who had seen the painting first hand when it was in the Loeser collection in Florence, had already given it to the young Bellini, according to Reinach in 1910, and it appears in his 1957 lists.
Most recently, in writing his definitive catalogue raisonné on the works of Bellini, Mauro Lucco was able to examine the painting firsthand in February 2016 together with Peter Humfrey after its recent restoration. Like Berenson, Lucco considers this an early work, and places it at the very beginning of Bellini’s canon. He notes that the photographs he had himself previously seen were not indicative of the painting’s “level of quality and invention.” Stylistically, it reflects the moment when the young Bellini, still influenced by Jacopo, is beginning to “trovare la sua propria strada.” It would appear to date to slightly later than a Madonna and Child in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (inv. no. M.85.223) which has generally in the past been given to Jacopo Bellini, but which he and Humfrey now consider to be by the young Giovanni. The facial type of the Madonna and especially of the Infant Christ in both works are clearly analogous. However, the present panel would appear to antedate other Madonne by Bellini, including ones in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam and the Gemäldegalerie, Berlin showing a similar approach to the subject, with the Virgin standing at a parapet, an apple emblematic of the original sin placed on the ledge in the front right foreground.

Diógenes com sua Lanterna Procurando um Homem Honesto (Diogenes with his Lantern Looking for an Honest Man) - Pieter van Mol

 







Diógenes com sua Lanterna Procurando um Homem Honesto (Diogenes with his Lantern Looking for an Honest Man) - Pieter van Mol
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This arresting Flemish Caravaggesque painting of Diogenes looking for an Honest Man is an unrivalled masterpiece from the brush of Pieter van Mol, a relatively unknown artist from the orbit of Rubens in Antwerp. Perhaps the reason for Van Mol’s obscurity is the fact that he spent most of his career working in Paris and not in his native Antwerp. Born nearly eight months after Van Dyck in Antwerp in 1599, Van Mol likely apprenticed with Artus Wolffert. and probably accompanied Rubens to Paris in 1625, when the master travelled there for the commission of the Medici Cycle in the Luxembourg Palace. Van Mol found success in Paris, as he received many commissions in the French capital and became court painter to the King (1637) and Queen (1642) of France; in 1648 the painter was among the founding members of the Académie Royale des Beaux-Arts.
While Van Mol’s oeuvre is replete with paintings of excellent quality, this picture is surely the artist’s strongest work. It was a celebrated treasure in several prominent French collections, beginning with Paul-Henri-Thiry, baron d’Holbach, a French-German author and Enlightenment philosopher. The painting was twice purchased at auction by famous collector and dealer Jean-Baptiste-Pierre Le Brun, the husband of celebrated portraitist Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun. It also belonged to François-Pascal Haudry, called Président Haudry, the president of the finance bureau in Orléans and owner of one of the best art collections outside of Paris. Around 1804 the present lot entered the collection of Lucien Bonaparte, who brought it from Paris to Rome during his self-imposed exile in The Eternal City. In a list of Bonaparte’s collection compiled in 1804, the painting is described as hanging in the most important room, the “Prima Sallone.” In the first catalogue of this collection from 1808, there appears an engraving after the painting by Giovanni Folo. Lucien then escaped to Britain in 1809 but returned to Rome after his brother’s abdication in 1814. He retained his collection as long as he could, but financial pressures forced him to apply for an export permit for this painting in 1825. At that time the picture was almost certainly shipped back to Paris, where it was purchased by Baron de Rothschild and remained in the Rothschild family for over 170 years, until its sale at Sotheby’s New York in 1997, when it was purchased by the present owner.
Although this is Van Mol’s masterpiece it fits into his oeuvre quite comfortably. A large painting by Van Mol in Orléans depicts the same subject and includes a similar grizzly and grey-bearded old man as the figure of Diogenes, again holding the lantern. In fact, the waves in the hair and beard in both portrayals are nearly identical, suggesting that Van Mol might have been working from a sketch after life that he prepared beforehand. A candidate for this sketch is the study in the museum in Rouen. The artist worked out this revision of the subject very carefully, as demonstrated by a preparatory drawing in Frankfurt, also at knee-length.
As inspiration for the present painting, Van Mol could have recalled several sketches by Rubens. The bearded man on the far left could refer back to the first head on the left in Rubens’ Head Studies of Bearded Man in Libourne, while the old woman in the center could have its roots in Rubens’ Study of an Old Woman, which sold at Sotheby’s London in 2017. Finally, the bearded old man who served as the model of Diogenes harks back to several sketches by Rubens, such as the figure on the right in the double head study in Dayton. In all of these borrowings Van Mol is not slavishly imitating Rubens. Instead, he is emulating the great master and seamlessly integrating these influences into a work that is entirely his own.
Diogenes of Sinope was an ancient Greek philosopher from the 4th century B.C. and founder of the Cynic school of philosophy; he despised wealth and would walk around Athens begging in public, openly criticizing those whom he encountered, and so it is said “paying homage to no one,” not even Alexander the Great, whom he boldly asked to step aside, out of the path of his sunlight. His life was documented by his namesake, Diogenes Laërtius, in the Lives of the Philosophers, which appeared in an Italian edition in Venice in 1611 (Dell vite de’ filosofi di Dioigenes Laertio). In this text it is explained that Diogenes “walked around with a lantern by day and said, ''I am looking for an [honest] man.” The narrative was only occasionally depicted in Flemish Baroque art, although as we know Van Mol painted the story at least twice.
Although largely preserved in private collections for most of its history, this painting was copied on canvas, probably when the original was still in France in the 17th century, assuming that the artist brought it with him when he moved from Antwerp to Paris, or indeed if he executed the outstanding original during his French period.

Maria Madalena Segurando um Pote de Pomada (Mary Magdalene Holding an Ointment Jar) - Ambrosius Benson







Maria Madalena Segurando um Pote de Pomada (Mary Magdalene Holding an Ointment Jar) - Ambrosius Benson
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As Georges Marlier notes in his monograph devoted to Ambrosius Benson, the Magdalene in this attractive painting is more the elegant grand dame of her day than penitent saint. Her beautiful figure derives from one of the sibyls in Benson’s Deipara Virgo (Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp). The design was evidently very popular as Benson used it on several occasions as a single sibyl, or as the Magdalene, either holding an ointment jar, as in this painting, or reading. An important example of the latter type was sold London, Sotheby’s, 5 December 2018, lot 1. The versions that survive attest to the theme’s popularity around 1530. Benson was one of the most popular, and prolific, painters of the Renaissance in the north, successfully fusing the art of his north Italian origins with the precision and delicacy of his Netherlandish peers.
The present work relates most closely in physiognomy and attributes to a painting of the Magdalene holding an ointment jar in the Groeningemuseum, Bruges, which Friedländer lists as the first version of this compositional type. Friedländer lists four versions in total, with a third of comparable quality in Hampton Court. The beautifully refined spotted fur sleeves in the present composition are unique within this specific composition in which the Magdalene holds a jar of ointment, though is similarly found in the aforementioned Sotheby’s 2018 variant where she holds a book.
A comparison between this Magdalene, Benson’s sibyl in the Antwerp painting, and other images of the saint shows similarities in dress – notably the fur sleeves – as well as numerous differences. Most striking is the substitution of the headdress for the diaphanous confection worn by the Magdalene in the present work. Here, semi-transparent veils designed to off-set the fine detail of her hair and the effect of layered gauze are held in place by a gold-embroidered head band. Another distinctive feature of the work is the design of the jeweled brooch, with its prominent white pearls and large central stone, which differentiates it from other images of the Magdalene. For instance, the Bruges version features no pendant at all, but rather a more modest and simple gold necklace.
Benson developed his style in Bruges amidst a highly developed and collaborative artistic environment. Lombard in origin, he is recorded in Bruges as early as 1518, the year he entered Gerard David’s studio, which served as the training ground and source of inspiration for a plethora of painters who form part of a great generation of Bruges artists. In addition to his main competitor, Adriaen Isenbrandt, Benson rose to European prominence alongside several successful painters, including the miniaturist and illuminator Simon Bening, as well as Jan Provost, Albrecht Cornelis and Lancelot Blondeel, among others. In addition to the group of known artists, numerous others are known to have been active, a realization illustrated by the fact that from 1500 to 1523 (the year of David’s death), no less than sixty three people registered as free painters in the Bruges guild.

 

Congestionamento no Aterro do Flamengo, 1960, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil

 


Congestionamento no Aterro do Flamengo, 1960, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Rio de Janeiro - RJ
Fotografia

Jardim Público, Santa Rita do Passa Quatro, São Paulo, Brasil


 

Jardim Público, Santa Rita do Passa Quatro, São Paulo, Brasil
Santa Rita do Passa Quatro - SP
Fotografia