domingo, 12 de janeiro de 2020

Selo "Correios Subaquáticos / Underwater Post Office", Melle Bay, Vanuatu


Selo "Correios Subaquáticos / Underwater Post Office", Melle Bay, Vanuatu
Melle Bay - Vanuatu
Emissão especial de décimo aniversário
Selo

Vanuatu Post has created an official Post Office with a difference. It is the world’s only Underwater Post Office. 
Situated within the Hideaway Island marine sanctuary, the Post Office sits in around three metres of water and both divers and snorkellers are able to post special “waterproof postcards”. If snorkellers cannot duck-dive down that far, Hideaway Island staff will be on the spot to help out.
During opening hours the cards will be cancelled/embossed by the postal staff in the Underwater Post Office. Instead of being stamped with ink to show that the card has been sent, the Post office has developed a new embossed cancellation device.
Placed on site by Vanuatu Post, this official and currently unique postal location was approved by local Ni Vanuatu and opened for business in May 2003.
Opening hours are posted on the beach at Hideaway Island, and a special flag is raised on a float above the site when there are postal workers in the water. Some Vanuatu Post Office staff have completed their Open Water dive training at Hideaway Island.
Out of hours the post cards can be posted in the underwater post box attached to the post office or taken to the main post office in town. All are guaranteed to receive the special cancellation from this unique underwater paradise before being delivered both locally and internationally.
This new Post Office recognises that the Republic of Vanuatu’s is made up of 83 islands and is a marine paradise. The sea is such an important part of life in Vanuatu so in addition to opening the worlds only Underwater Post Office, Vanuatu Post has issued a new stamp issue and minisheet featuring snorkelling. Vanuatu was designed for snorkelling, and has countless good snorkelling spots and a wide range of spectacular sea life. This stamp issue follows the extremely popular eco-tourism stamp issue that featured many of the adventure, culture, nature, sport and community activities available in Vanuatu.   
Visitors who wish to view the colourful coral gardens and the immense numbers of tropical fish, can utilise boat tour operators that cater for snorkellers as well as “free snorkel” from beaches and resorts around the island paradise. The sport is accessible for both young and old and much pleasure can be had in sea temperatures that can reach 30 degree. Thanks to Vanuatu’s Marine Park laws, the protected healthy coral reefs and abundant and varied marine life remain one of the Republic’s greatest natural attractions.
Vanuatu Post encourages visitors to literally look below the surface of this beautiful country and grab a mask, fins and snorkel, and visit the Underwater Post Office. They guarantee you will discover unlimited fun and unforgettable adventures!


Correios Subaquáticos / Underwater Post Office, Melle Bay, Vanuatu





Correios Subaquáticos / Underwater Post Office, Melle Bay, Vanuatu
Melle Bay - Vanuatu
Fotografia


Filosofia de Internet - Humor


Filosofia de Internet - Humor
Humor

Nota do blog: Óbvio que é generalização. Mas tem o seu charme e verdade...

Filosofia de Internet - Humor


Filosofia de Internet - Humor
Humor

Nota do blog: Se você é daqueles que acha que é a empresa que deve se adaptar a você e não o contrário, continue assim (e desempregado)...rs.

Filosofia de Internet - Humor


Filosofia de Internet - Humor
Humor

Jardim Botânico Real de Kew / Kew Gardens, Perto de Uma Lagoa, Londres, Inglaterra (Jardin de Kew, Londres, Près d'un Étang) - Camille Pissarro


Jardim Botânico Real de Kew / Kew Gardens, Perto de Uma Lagoa, Londres, Inglaterra (Jardin de Kew, Londres, Près d'un Étang) - Camille Pissarro
Londres - Inglaterra
Coleção privada
OST - 46x55 - 1892


“I’m at Kew, taking advantage of this exceptional summer to throw myself headlong into my plein air studies in this stunning park,” Pissarro wrote to Octave Mirbeau in July 1892, brimming with enthusiasm for his new motifs. “Dear friend, what trees! What lawns! What lovely imperceptible undulations of the countryside! It’s a dream” (quoted in J. Pissarro and C. Durand-Ruel Snollaerts, op. cit., 2005, p. 616).
Pissarro had arrived in London in late May, for the third of four voyages that he would take to the English capital over the course of his career. The impetus for this trip was concern for Lucien, his eldest son and most frequent correspondent, who had settled in London two years earlier. Lucien had fallen in love with a young woman named Esther Bensusan and sought her family’s blessing for their marriage. Both young people were from traditional Jewish households. Her father Jacob, however, was adamantly opposed to the union, reproaching Lucien for his career choice—he too was an artist—and his lack of religious piety. Having encountered staunch resistance from his own parents when he decided to marry Julie Vellay, Pissarro was eager to spare his son such a conflict.
Unlike many of his Impressionist colleagues, who shunned traditional marital life, Pissarro was a quintessential family man and doted on his children—eight in all, six of whom survived to adulthood. He taught them to draw and paint (with the exception of his daughter Jeanne, whom Julie insisted should have a more traditional upbringing) and assiduously nurtured their intellectual development. “He became the kind of father he never had,” Richard Brettell has written, “less a restraining force on the lives of his children than an anxiously patient guide to life” (Pissarro’s People, exh. cat., Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute, Williamstown, 2011, p. 117). When Lucien encountered difficulties in his personal life, Pissarro did not hesitate to enter the fray. “There’s no other solution but to ask her father for her hand,” he advised his son. “I’m willing to do what’s necessary to try to secure it for you” (quoted in J. Pissarro and C. Durnad-Ruel Snollaerts, op. cit., 2005, p. 236).
On his arrival in London, Pissarro settled into the flat at 7 Colville Square in Bayswater that Lucien shared with his brother Georges. By 10 June, he had begun to paint at Kew Gardens, some five miles southwest of Bayswater in suburban Richmond; late in the month, he moved to rented quarters above a bakery at the corner of Gloucester Road and Kew Green to be closer to his motifs. “I’m trying to do my best here despite the weather’s constant variations,” he reported to Mirbeau. “The Kew Gardens are wonderful and the surrounding country is superb. But time is so short and the work to be done so long that I despair!” (quoted in ibid., p. 616).
During the ensuing two months, Pissarro painted eight large views of the lush Gardens from different angles, as well as three canvases depicting the splendid vista from his balcony over the adjacent Green. In the present painting, a group of elegantly dressed men, women, and children—out for a leisurely excursion on a splendid summer day—stroll along a grassy path that leads up a low rise in the middle distance, presumably toward the pond of the title. Reflecting Pissarro’s experimentation with Divisionist techniques during the late 1880s, the dominant blue-green hues of the canvas are heightened with accents of complementary orange, and pigment is applied in myriad tiny touches to create a disciplined, close-knit tapestry of color. The composition, however, exudes all the freedom and spontaneity of plein-air painting, with trees of varying shapes and sizes creating an irregular, gently rolling band of foliage that echoes the subtle undulations in the land and the loose pattern of wispy clouds.
“These are delightful, relaxed works,” Alan Bowness has written, “in which Camille seems to have happily returned to the manner of painting natural to him, abandoning the dogmatic theoretical approach of the neo-impressionists” (The Impressionists in London, exh. cat., Hayward Gallery, London, 1973, p. 16).
Although his artistic endeavors in London were a great success, Pissarro’s best efforts to win over Jacob Bensusan were in vain. On 10 August, Lucien and Esther married without her family present for the ceremony. Pissarro returned home to Eragny a few days later and immediately invited Mirbeau and Monet to come see his views of Kew Gardens. The dealer Alphonse Portier expressed interest in purchasing the canvases in the fall but the artist demurred, hoping to sell them instead to Durand-Ruel, whose clientele was better heeled. His strategy paid off. Durand-Ruel was delighted with the new paintings, acquiring six of them in December 1892 and three more, including Jardin de Kew, Londres, près d’un étang, the following year.
In March 1893, Durand-Ruel featured the present painting in a solo exhibition of Pissarro’s work at his gallery in the rue Laffitte. The show received a glowing review from Gustave Geffroy in the periodical La Justice: “Camille Pissarro’s art is infinitely fine. There is a poet inseparable from the skilled painter, and the result is not a cold demonstration, but a luminous resumé of the appearances of things and of short-lived phenomena, magnificently set down once and for all” (quoted in J. Pissarro and C. Durnad-Ruel Snollaerts, op. cit., 2005, pp. 240-241). When Pissarro ran into his old friend Georges de Bellio soon after the show, the distinguished collector had nothing but praise for the artist’s achievement. “What’s staggering,” he wrote to Lucien, “is de Bellio saying to me that I’ve gone further than Monet, that my art is more serious and that I’ve surpassed Monet’s Poplars. Heavens! I hardly dare believe him!” (quoted in ibid., p. 241).
The next year, Pissarro—who had recently become a grandfather, when Esther gave birth to a daughter named Orovida Camille—was invited to take part in the first exhibition of La Libre Esthétique in Brussels, the successor to Les XX, which for ten years had been the principal vehicle for the dissemination of new artistic ideas in Belgium. The present view of Kew Gardens was one of two canvases that the artist opted to send to this important avant-garde showcase.
Nota do blog: Vendida em 2017 em leilão da Christie's por US$ 4,692,500.

Jovem Penteando o Cabelo (Jeune Fille se Peignant, La Toilette) - Pierre Auguste Renoir


Jovem Penteando o Cabelo (Jeune Fille se Peignant, La Toilette) - Pierre Auguste Renoir
Coleção privada
OST - 55x46 - 1894


“I have taken up again, never to abandon it, my old style, soft and light of touch,” Renoir wrote to his dealer Durand-Ruel in 1888, full of enthusiasm for his latest efforts. “This is to give you some idea of my new and final manner of painting—like Fragonard, but not so good” (quoted in J. House, Renoir in the Barnes Foundation, New Haven, 2012, p. 121).
This approach—which represented a sea-change after the controversial, Ingres-inspired method that Renoir had cultivated in the previous decade—plainly informs the present painting, a softly brushed boudoir scene depicting a young woman who gently combs her waist-length, golden tresses. The model is clad in a simple white chemise with a slight sheen, which slips from her shoulders to reveal an expanse of creamy skin that catches the light as it enters from the left. A portion of her pink skirt is also visible as well, the rosy hue echoing the delicate bloom on her cheeks and lips. Although the model’s identity is unknown, her youthful, rounded features conform closely to Renoir’s preferred type during the 1890s, softer and more idealized than the naturalistic young grisettes or working girls whom he had portrayed during his Impressionist heyday. “For me, a painting should be something pleasant, joyous, and pretty,” he now insisted, “yes, pretty!” (ibid., p. 16).
The theme of the woman styling her hair, and more broadly that of Jeune fille se peignant (La Toilette), has an illustrious artistic lineage dating back to Renaissance vanitas portraits, in which the woman in front of a mirror, gazing at her own image, joins the viewer in treating herself as an object of visual pleasure. In Renoir’s day, various avant-garde painters pressed into service this time-honored motif to critique the artifice of modern life. Manet’s Nana, for instance, depicts a contemporary Parisian courtesan who ostentatiously adorns herself under the scrutiny of a top-hatted client; Seurat, in Jeune femme se poudrant, presents a tightly corseted woman seated before an array of cosmetics from which she constructs her public image. Renoir, in contrast, portrays such preparations as pleasurable rather than obligatory, liberating rather than constraining. The model’s cheeks are naturally flushed, her hair tumbles freely over one shoulder, and her expression is one of gentle reverie.
“The ostensible theme,” John House has written, “is self-adornment and women’s preoccupation with appearances; but the vision that is being realized is of course Renoir’s own: while the model prepares herself for display, she displays herself to the painter, who posed her thus, and to the viewer of the picture” (Renoir, exh. cat., Hayward Gallery, London, 1985, p. 282).
The private ritual of hair-combing would also have carried a strongly sensual, even fetishistic charge for nineteenth-century viewers, as Renoir was well aware. The motif features in Ingres’s Orientalist harem fantasy, Le bain turc (1862), and in the naturalistic brothel imagery of Toulouse-Lautrec; Japanese woodblock prints show women in the pleasure-houses of old Edo tending their manes, and the Goncourts’ novel La fille Elisa (1877) includes a scene of two prostitutes brushing each other’s hair. When Renoir’s colleague Degas turned to the theme in the 1880s, he subverted these provocative connotations, presenting the act of hair-combing as one of the most banal and wearisome of daily routines, associated with personal hygiene as much as glamour. Renoir, for his part, staked out a middle ground, delighting in the extravagantly long and undone hair of his models—an emblem of their femininity—but eschewing overt eroticism in favor of a hushed and dreamy intimacy.
In the present scene, the young woman gazes out of image to the left, seemingly unaware of the artist’s scrutinizing presence. Her luxuriant mane, glinting in the light, occupies nearly the full height of the canvas, recalling the poet Mallarmé’s paean to female beauty: “A kind of madness, original and naïve, a golden ecstasy, I don’t know how to describe it! Which she calls her hair” (“Le phénomène futur,” 1891; quoted in A. Distel, Renoir, New York, 2010, p. 276). The model’s profile, pale and luminous, stands out against the darker ground, which suggests a subtly variegated velvet curtain cloistering the boudoir space. The harmonious, integrated palette of warm tones—cream, pink, taupe, olive, and gold—as well as the uniformly soft touch of Renoir’s caressing brush heighten the effect of a private, self-contained world.
The “new and final manner” that Renoir described to Durand-Ruel was an immediate success, ushering in a decade of mounting prosperity and long-awaited fame for the artist. In 1890, just shy of his fiftieth birthday and secure at last that he could support a family, Renoir married Aline Charigot, his long-time companion and the mother of his young son Pierre. “I’m in demand again on the market,” he wrote to the collector Paul Berard. “If nothing happens to disturb my work, it will go like clockwork” (quoted in B.E. White, Renoir: His Life, Art, and Letters, New York, 1984, p. 189). In 1892, the French State purchased Renoir’s Jeunes filles au piano for the Musée Luxembourg, a mark of official recognition that the artist himself counted as one of his crowning achievements.
The younger generation of critics and artists also embraced Renoir’s recent work. His idealized young girls, with their air of timelessness, appealed to Symbolist proclivities, suggesting an essential meaning beneath external appearances. “An idealist? No. A naturalist? If that’s what we want to call him,” wrote the Nabi painter Maurice Denis, the most vocal theoretician of his cohort. “Renoir has limited himself to translating his personal emotions, the entirety of nature and the entirety of dream, with methods personal to him. He has composed with the pleasures of his eyes wonderful bouquets of women and flowers. And since he is large of heart and strong of will, he has created only beautiful things” (“Notes d’art et d’esthétique,” La Revue Blanche, June 1892; quoted in A. Distel, op. cit., 2010, p. 289).

Busto de Mulher, De Perfil (Buste de Femme, de Profil) - Pierre Auguste Renoir





Busto de Mulher, De Perfil (Buste de Femme, de Profil) - Pierre Auguste Renoir
Coleção privada
OST - 65x54 - 1884



Buste de jeune fille (Femme de profil) depicts an attractive, dark-haired ingénue, poised on the very brink of womanhood. Her hair is gathered up in a chignon, with just a few tendrils escaping down the creamy nape of her neck, and her dress slips slightly from one shoulder, lending the canvas a subtle erotic frisson that enlivens the reserved, decorous pose. Rejecting the Impressionist technique of fusing the figure with her surroundings, Renoir has distinctly demarcated the young woman’s solidly modeled form against a broadly brushed, cobalt blue background. She is illuminated from above with a uniform, white light, which accentuates the contrast between her pale, milky skin and the rich, dark ground. Her simple, pyramidal shape lends the composition a monumental, timeless air, which is underscored by her distant gaze.
“In technique, composition, and subject matter,” John House has explained, “Renoir was deliberately moving away from any suggestion of the fleeting or the contingent, away from the Impressionist preoccupation with the captured instant, towards a more timeless vision of woman” (Renoir, exh. cat., Hayward Gallery, London, 1985, p. 242).
Renoir painted this appealing canvas in 1884, while deeply engaged in a process of experimentation and resolution, during which he wholly re-ordered his goals as a painter. He had first started to explore alternatives to Impressionism as early as 1879, a time of disillusionment in the Impressionist group as a whole. The strategy of independently organized, cooperative exhibitions had brought little real success, and even such dedicated supporters as Zola were encouraging the Impressionists to go beyond the informal, freely brushed sketch and to produce more resolved pictorial statements. Seeking inspiration in the art of the past, Renoir began to study the work of Ingres and immersed himself in Cennino Cennini’s Il Libro dell’Arte, a fifteenth-century Florentine manual of painting technique. In the winter of 1881-1882, he undertook a three-month voyage to Italy, where he admired “the grandeur and simplicity of the ancient painters” and became ever more convinced that he was on the right course (quoted in ibid., p. 220).
Within a year of his return, Renoir found himself in the grips of an aesthetic crisis. “A sort of break came in my work about 1883,” he told Ambroise Vollard late in his life. “I had wrung Impressionism dry, and I finally came to the conclusion that I knew neither how to paint nor draw” (quoted in Renoir in the Barnes Foundation, New Haven, 2012, p. 113). For the next three years, he traveled very little, exhibited only occasionally, and accepted few portrait commissions, focusing instead on consolidating his new, classicizing conception of the figure. “Everything betrays accomplished research and the brilliant effort to create something new,” wrote Octave Mirbeau when the culminating work of this period, Les grandes baigneuses (Dauberville, no. 1292; Philadelphia Museum of Art), was exhibited at the Galerie Georges Petit in spring 1887 (quoted in A. Distel, Renoir, New York, 2010, p. 249).
Eschewing the seeming spontaneity and imprecision of Impressionism, the present Buste de jeune fille heralds this new direction in Renoir’s art. The identity of the nubile young woman who posed for the canvas remains unknown. Whereas society portraiture required a certain physiognomic specificity, paintings such as Buste de jeune fille—generalized celebrations of l’éternel feminin, rather than genuine likenesses of a particular sitter—imposed no such constraints. Renoir never hesitated, therefore, to alter his models’ appearance to conform to an ideal type, with rounded features, pearly pink skin, a snub nose, bee-stung lips, and wide eyes.
“How difficult it is in a picture to find the exact point at which to stop copying nature,” he explained to the painter Albert André. “The painting must not smell too strongly of the model, but at the same time, you must get the feeling of nature. A painting is not a verbatim record. The most important thing is for it to remain painting” (quoted in Renoir in the 20th Century, exh. cat., Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 2009, p. 67).
Nevertheless, it is tempting to speculate about which of Renoir’s attractive young models may have provided the initial inspiration for the present painting. With her dark, straight brows and side-swept, chestnut-colored bangs, the figure bears no small resemblance to Suzanne Valadon, who sat for Renoir repeatedly between 1883 and 1887. Valadon served as the model for both La danse à la ville and La danse à Bougival of 1882-1883 (Dauberville, nos. 1000-1001; Musée d’Orsay, Paris and Museum of Fine Arts, Boston), Renoir’s last major statements on the theme of urban and suburban recreation, and for one of the two principal bathers in Les grandes baigneuses. “In Suzanne Valadon Renoir encountered a model of quite exceptional beauty, whose endless eyebrows, flawless skin, and demure smile had already recommended her to a host of painters,” Colin Bailey has written (Renoir’s Portraits: Impressions of an Age, exh. cat., National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, 1997, p. 200).
Still more striking, however, is the resemblance between the young woman in Buste de jeune fille and two sisters, both up-and-coming actresses, who posed for Renoir in 1881-1882. The elder girl, Eugénie-Marie Darlaud, appears in Les deux soeurs, one of Renoir’s most celebrated emblems of modern life (Dauberville, no. 254; Art Institute of Chicago). Mademoiselle Darlaud would go on to become a star of the Théâtre Gymnase and the Comédie Française, whose prominent and well-heeled lovers included the composer Louis Varney and the chocolate mogul Gaston Menier. Renoir showed Les deux soeurs to great acclaim at the Seventh Impressionist Exhibition in 1882 and the same year painted Eugénie Darlaud’s younger sister Anne, better known by her stage name Jeanne Demarsy, who had recently posed for Manet’s exquisite allegory Le Printemps (no. 1060; Christie’s New York, 11 May 1995, lot 112). Could the Darlaud sisters have proven such appealing models that Renoir sought one of them out again in 1884, capturing her idealized likeness—timeless and refined, with just a hint of sensuality—in Buste de jeune fille?
Whoever the model, the painting found immediate success on the market, despite the economic crisis that gripped France at the time. Before the year’s end, it had entered the collection of Charles Haviland, a wealthy porcelain manufacturer from Renoir’s hometown of Limoges. Renoir, whose own first career had been as a decorator of porcelain plates and vases, probably met Haviland around 1872, when the latter founded a ceramics atelier on the outskirts of Paris. The two men grew closer in the late 1870s, when Haviland married the daughter of Renoir’s friend Philippe Burty, the art critic and fervent japoniste, and began to purchase Japanese prints and Impressionist pictures under Burty’s guidance; it was likely Burty who arranged for Renoir to paint a portrait of Haviland’s four-year-old son Paul in 1884 (Dauberville, no. 1261; Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City).
Buste de jeune fille remained in Haviland’s possession for more than three decades. Henry Bernstein, the popular author of melodramas for the Paris stage and an outspoken critic of anti-Semitism, subsequently acquired the painting for his collection.

Manhã no Rio Sena, França (Matinée sur la Seine) - Claude Monet


Manhã no Rio Sena, França (Matinée sur la Seine) - Claude Monet
França
Coleção privada
OST - 89x92 - 1897


There are few paintings of the inland water landscape in Monet’s oeuvre, and certainly no single sequence prior to the magisterial and crowning Nymphéas in the early twentieth century, that are more mysteriously enchanting and serenely contemplative than the twenty-two canvases of his Matinée sur la Seine series, which record the exquisitely delicate, elusive effects of early-morning light on a tranquil arm of the river near the artist’s home in Giverny, during the summers of 1896 and 1897. In these ethereal and evocative pictures, some of the last that Monet would paint of his beloved Seine, he focused intensively and exclusively on the subtlety of atmospheric effect, ultimately transcending the pure representation of landscape and moving into the realm of poetic decoration. The emphatic contrast in the present view between the foliage in shadow and the brightening light of the new day, achieved by means of a dramatic contre-jour effect, carries this hushed, elegant composition to the very brink of abstraction.
“Beyond time, quiet and calm, these paintings have a poetic way of evoking atmosphere, whereby the concrete figurative element is relegated completely to the background,” Karin Sagner-Düchting has written. “As though by undergoing metamorphosis, the figure is divested of familiar and identifiable features. In a symbolist sense it is merely suggested, not clearly defined” (Monet and Modernism, exh. cat., Kunsthalle der Hypo-Kulturstiftung, Munich, 2001, p. 52).
During the previous two years, Monet had embarked on extended painting campaigns in Norway and along the Channel coast, battling difficult wintry weather conditions to depict these rugged locales. It came as a welcome pleasure for him, then, to return to the sanctuary of Giverny, and during the summer of 1896 to immerse himself again in the lush, verdant landscape near his home and cherished gardens. He completed four canvases of the Matinée sur le Seine sequence during that year (Wildenstein, nos. 1435-1437, including 1436a), and probably began others in the larger balance of the group as well. That was as far as Monet could take the series in 1896, however. Forty-one days of nearly incessant rainfall during September and October—“frightful weather,” he lamented to Durand-Ruel—forced the artist to cease work on these pictures; he resorted instead to painting several scenes of flooded riverside meadows in Giverny (nos. 1438, 1438a, and 1439). He resumed his Matinée sur le Seine series the following summer, completing those canvases already underway as well as new ones, to all of which he applied the date ‘1897’ (nos. 1472-1488; no. 1499 is dated ‘1898’).
Rather than painting a wide-open expanse of the river, as he often had before, Monet chose for this series a quiet, protected backwater where the Epte tributary fed into the Seine. He worked from his studio-boat, which he left anchored mid-river for the duration of the summer, rowing out to it each morning in a skiff. As he looked upstream into the breaking dawn, on his left was the Giverny bank and on his right was the Île aux Orties, one of several wooded islets that then dotted this stretch of the Seine. He emphasized the meditative qualities of the site by selecting a spot where the trees on the Giverny shore were especially full, arching out over the narrow channel of water. These overhanging branches fill the upper left quadrant of the paintings in the series like a curtain being raised on the ethereal, early-morning landscape. “It seems difficult to conceive that this dreamy, otherworldly place Monet conjures up was just a brief journey from his home,” Tanya Paul has written, “yet it took the artist just a few moments to arrive at it” (Monet and the Seine: Impressions of a River, exh. cat., Houston, Museum of Fine Arts, 2014, p. 41).
Having already painted several extended sequences under changing light and in varying weather conditions, employing grain stacks, a row of poplars, and the façade of Rouen Cathedral as his now-celebrated motifs, Monet had by this time perfected his serial procedure. While working on the Matinée sur le Seine canvases, he kept to a rigorous and disciplined regimen from first to last. The journalist Maurice Guillemot, who visited and interviewed Monet during the summer of 1897, described the process that the artist undertook to paint this series:
“The crack of dawn, in August, 3:30 a.m. His torso snug in a white woolen hand-knit, his feet in a pair of sturdy hunting boots with thick, dew-proof soles, his head covered by a picturesque, battered, brown felt hat, with the brim turned up to keep off the sun, a cigarette in his mouth...he pushes open the door, walks down the steps, follows the central path through his garden...and comes to the river.
“There he unties his rowboat moored in the reeds along the bank, and with a few strokes reaches the large punt at anchor which serves as his studio. The local man, a gardener’s helper, who accompanies him, unties the packages—as they called the stretched canvases joined in pairs and numbered—and the artist sets to work.
“Fourteen paintings have been started at the same time...each the translation of a single, identical motif whose effect is modified by the time of day, the sun, and the clouds. This is where the Epte river flows into the Seine, among tiny islands shaded by tall trees, where branches of the river, like peaceful solitary lakes beneath the foliage, form mirrors of water reflecting the greenery...
“He shows me his fourteen studies in progress, retrieved from the boat and placed for the moment upon easels. It is a marvel of contagious emotion, of intense poetry, and unless one already knew...about the prolonged, patient labor, the anxiety about the results, the conscientious study, the feverish obsession with the work of two years, one would be astonished by his wish: ‘I’d like to keep anyone from knowing how it’s done’” (“Claude Monet,” La Revue Illustrée, 15 March 1898; in C.F. Stuckey, ed., Monet: A Retrospective, New York, 1985, pp. 195-201).
Monet had his flat-bottomed bateau-atelier fitted with a notched frame that held the canvases upright in the order in which he was working on them. As the light changed during the course of the morning, he quickly switched from one canvas to the next. Lilla Cabot Perry, an American painter who was Monet’s neighbor in Giverny, recalled the artist having explained to her that the effect he was seeking “lasted only seven minutes, or until the sunlight left a certain leaf, when he took out the next canvas and worked on that. He always insisted on the great importance of a painter noticing when the effect changed, so as to get a true impression of a certain aspect of nature and not a composite picture. He admitted that it was difficult to stop in time because one got carried away” (ibid., p. 184).
In no other series in Monet’s oeuvre did the artist focus on such a limited portion of the day, recording the ephemeral changes in the light as dawn encroached upon this sheltered spot in the landscape. In the canvases painted earliest in the morning, light has not yet penetrated the scene, and mist still hangs heavily over the river, reducing the distant forms of trees to soft shapes in the background. As the sun began to rise, Monet—looking roughly south-east—rendered the sky bathed in a warm orange glow but the banks of the river still completely in shadow; he then described the way that light catches on the tops of the foliage on the Île aux Orties, and a few moments later when the entire opposite bank flashes luminously in the morning sun. Finally, in an ambitious coda to the series, Monet turned his angle of vision roughly ninety degrees clockwise to face the Île aux Orties head-on, depicting it shimmering in the full light of day (Wildenstein, nos. 1489-1492).
In the present painting, Monet has captured a particularly delicate and fleeting effect, when light has just pierced the secluded inlet and illuminated the distant stand of foliage. The foreground trees, however, remain in deep blue-green shadow, silhouetted in striking counterpoint against the gradually brightening sky, now a delicate pale blue with lingering touches of rose near the horizon. Viewed in backlight, these overhanging branches form an elegant, decorative arabesque that calls attention to the flat surface of the picture plane. The reflections of the foreground foliage, by contrast, define the entrance to a pathway that gently coaxes the viewer’s eye into spatial depth, following the meandering course of the reflected light on the river until it converges with the source of that luminosity in the sky.
The twenty-two canvases in the Matinées sur la Seine series range from horizontals of varying proportions, the conventional choice for landscape painting, to almost perfect squares like the present example, a much more experimental and radically modern format that Monet would next explore in his virtually abstract Nymphéas. Here, Monet has employed a high horizon line that effectively bisects the composition, creating a perfect echo between the trees and sky in the upper half of the canvas and their mirrored double beneath. The dark, overhanging branches in the foreground are re-stated in lighter tints in the tree line on the opposite shore, producing a subtle bilateral symmetry along a vertical axis as well. Monet has countered the geometry of this grid-like composition by rendering the branches and their reflections in generous, undulating curves, suggesting the wonderfully irregular qualities of nature in contrast to the highly rational square. The painting thus exists at once as an abstract design with an internal, aesthetic logic and as an evocative description of this particular site, in all its evanescent beauty.
The Matinée sur la Seine paintings represent one of two major serial undertakings that absorbed Monet almost completely in 1896-1897. The other, collectively titled Les Falaises, depicts the towering chalk cliffs at Pourville, where the artist spent two successive winter seasons. Both of these subjects—the Seine and the Normandy coast—had been constant touchstones for Monet since the earliest years of his career. Rather than re-treading familiar ground, however, he now adopted a visionary new approach to painting these deeply personal, resonant subjects. In both series, forms are pared down to simple arabesques, contours are softer and less defined than ever before, and thin veils of color overlap to create a harmonious, tapestry-like surface. “Everything has become more homogenous, giving the scene a sedate, muffled quality,” Paul Tucker has noted. “The later paintings are much more restrained and much grander” (Monet in the 90s: The Series Paintings, exh. cat., Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1989, p. 236).
In other respects, however, these two contemporaneous series form a striking contrast. Whereas the Falaises are expansive, wind-swept, and volatile, the Matinées sur la Seine are delicate, contained, and self-reflective. In the coastal scenes, the compositional elements are arranged asymmetrically, the land rising and falling in unpredictable and precarious ways. The Seine paintings, by contrast, are balanced and stable, with a mirror-like equivalence between water and sky. The Falaises, Tucker has suggested, are indebted to the Dutch landscape tradition, while the Matinées represent a veritable homage to Corot—for Monet and his fellow Impressionists their most admired forerunner, both for his atmospheric plein-air technique and, in a direct line from Claude Lorrain, for his classical demeanor. “The ties to Corot are evident in the vaporous quality of many of the pictures in the series, in the reverie that the soft, ill-defined forms generate, and in the bucolic world that the group as a whole suggests” (ibid., p. 246).
Monet exhibited fifteen Matinées sur la Seine and twenty-four Falaises together at the Galerie Georges Petit in June 1898, where the two series met with almost unanimous acclaim. The present canvas was likely included in this show as No. 31. The Guillemot article cited above was printed in advance of the exhibition, whetting expectations. Shortly after the paintings went on view, the newspaper Le Gaulois published a special issue exclusively devoted to Monet and his work, which featured an appreciation by Gustave Geffroy, an anthology of critical praise from the previous decade, and a new photograph of the dashingly dressed artist. The next week, the conservative Moniteur des Arts came out with a similar supplement, in which the editor admitted that he had never been one of Monet’s supporters but that the Petit installation had won him over whole-heartedly.
Instead of the stonily encrusted surfaces of the Rouen Cathedral paintings shown three years earlier, viewers now marveled at the harmonious subtlety in Monet’s technique, with formal elements emerging as silhouette and arabesque against the light. “[Monet] looked at that spectacle in the morning mist, at sunrise, during the bright hours and the gray ones,” Geffroy wrote. “He became enamored of the nuances of that great passage of brightness, he followed them in the depths of the sky and the water, he expressed them by the bluish darkenings and greenish and golden awakenings of the foliage. It is these landscapes that are here assembled, these dark forms, these distant ghosts, these mysterious evocations, these transparent mirrors” (quoted in R. Gordon and A. Forge, Monet, New York, 1983, p. 179).

Nota do blog: Vendida em 2017 em leilão da Christie's por US$ 23,375,000.

O Império das Luzes (L’Empire des Lumières) - René Magritte


O Império das Luzes (L’Empire des Lumières) - René Magritte
Coleção privada
OST - 48x58 - 1949



Between 1949 and 1964, Magritte painted seventeen versions in oil, with ten more in gouache, of the idea to which he referred as L’empire des lumières. The artist’s friend Paul Nougé, the leader of the Brussels Surrealist group, provided the title, for which the most appropriate English translation is “The Dominion of Light”. “English, Flemish, and German translators take [dominion] in the sense of ‘territory’,” Nougé noted, “whereas the fundamental meaning is obviously ‘power’, ‘dominance’” (quoted in D. Sylvester, op. cit., 1993, vol. III, p. 145).
The present L’empire des lumières is the very first oil painting that Magritte completed which bears this title. The idea in this picture quickly became popular, and during the next fifteen years the artist created variants based on this original conception, sixteen more canvases in all, for interested collectors.
Each successive picture displays the key elements in the present, original L’empire des lumières—a nocturnal street scene in a placid, well-maintained, bourgeois quarter of town, similar to the Magritte’s own rue de Esseghem in Brussels (some versions were given country settings), with eerily shuttered houses, some curtained windows faintly lit from within, and a single lamppost, shining forth like a beacon, the sole illumination along this darkened length of avenue. The hour is late, and most of the occupants are presumably abed. Only the onlooker is witness to the bizarre vision that hovers above the roof- and treetops—a night sky with neither moon nor stars, lacking the least hint of darkness. For as far as one can see, a blue, midday, sunlit sky with lazily drifting white clouds fills the ether expanse. In the characteristic, straightly descriptive manner in which Magritte painted this scene, all is as natural—but in myriad connotations, also as paradoxical—as night and day.
As David Sylvester recorded, this painting was named as one of three the artist sold to his dealer Alexandre Iolas, on a statement of account dated 8 August 1949 (ibid.). Iolas shipped the painting in September to the Hugo Gallery, New York, of which he was director. Nelson A. Rockefeller, then chairman and president of Chase National Bank in Rockefeller Center, while also serving in similar roles at The Museum of Modern Art, New York, purchased this L’empire des lumières from the Hugo Gallery on 30 March 1950. That Christmas, he gave the picture as a gift to Mrs. Louise A. Boyer, his secretary, who later became his executive assistant when he served as Governor of New York State during 1959-1973. Following Mrs. Boyer’s death in 1974, the painting became the property of her son Gordon A. Robins, and subsequently entered two further private collections, including that of the present owner.
Magritte discussed L’empire des lumières in a commentary written for a 1956 television program, later published in the exhibition catalogue Peintres belges de l’imaginaire, Grand Palais, Paris, 1972:
“For me, the conception of a picture is an idea of one thing or of several things which can be realized visually in my painting. Obviously, all ideas are not ideas for paintings. Naturally, an idea must be sufficiently stimulating for me to get down to painting the thing or things that inspired the idea. The conception of a painting, that is, the idea, is not visible in the painting: an idea cannot be seen by the eyes. What is depicted in the painting is what is visible to the eye, the thing or things that had to inspire the idea. So, in the painting L’empire des lumières are things I had an idea about—to be precise, a nocturnal landscape and a sky above in broad daylight. The landscape evokes night and the sky evokes day. This evocation of day and night seems to me to have the power to surprise and enchant us. I call this power ‘poetry’. I believe this evocation has such a ‘poetic’ power because, among other reasons, I have always been keenly interested in night and in day, although I’ve never had a preference for one or the other. This intense personal interest in night and day is a feeling of admiration and astonishment” (quoted in K. Rooney and E. Plattner, eds., René Magritte: Selected Writings, Minneapolis, 2016, p. 167).
The diurnal antipodes of day and night have long served as poetically symbolic realms that represent the contrasts in the human experience of existence, most fundamentally the give-and- take between demands stemming from interaction with the outer world, and those arising from the inner world of the individual self. The tensions between reality and dream—day and night—lie at the very heart of the Surrealist ethos.
The beauty and revelation of L’empire des lumières—perhaps the latent message that contributed to its enduring iconic status—is that Magritte gazes far beyond any such antithetical notions, even if in this painting he appeared to cast such contradictions as the traditionally opposing elements of earth and sky, night and day, darkness and light. The alignment of element with idea, with one alternative or the other—in either a positive or negative sense—is fraught, however, at every turn with shifting ambiguities and reversals. The artist discovered instead the underlying conciliation and harmony of these opposing ideas. “After I had painted L’empire des lumières,” Magritte explained to a friend in 1966, “I got the idea that night and day exist together, that they are one. This is reasonable, or at the very least it’s in keeping with our knowledge: in the world night always exists at the same time as day. (Just as sadness always exists in some people at the same time as happiness in others.) But such ideas are not poetic. What is poetic is the visible image of the picture” (quoted S. Whitfield, Magritte, exh. cat., The South Bank Centre, London, 1992, no. 111).
The circumstances behind the evolution of the Empire des lumières idea into a painting are not clearly apparent. While staying with his collector Edward James in London during February-March 1937, Magritte gave a presentation at Roland Penrose’s London Gallery in which he considered, as stated at the outset, “certain features peculiar to words, images and real objects” (D. Sylvester, op. cit., 1993, vol. II. p. 53). In one example early in the discussion, the artist cited the opening line of André Breton’s poem L’Aigrette (from Terre de clair, 1923): “If only the sun would shine tonight” (ibid.). Although many of Magritte’s outdoor settings appear in daylight, and numerous interior subjects are given a suitably nocturnal mise-en-scène, the conflation of elements signifying day and night had outwardly figured only occasionally in his paintings. For example, in Le promenoir des amants (1929 or 1930; Sylvester, no. 324), two framed images of daytime clouds appear as if hung on the wall of a night sky, above buildings and trees. A night sky with a crescent moon and stars emblazons the façades of buildings at sunset in the gouache Le Poison (1938 or 1939; Sylvester, no. 1142).
Evidence of Magritte’s intent in the L’empire des lumières theme at the end of the 1940s may be found in a series of texts that he authored during 1946-1947, five manifestos under the title Surrealism in the Sunshine. The artist railed against the idea, sanctioned at the end of the Second World War and still more recently during the emergence of the Cold War, in “philosophies (materialist or idealist),” that “The man on the street...thinks he must live and suffer and that the very meaning of life is that it is a dream-nightmare.” Magritte reminds us that “La Terre n’est pas une vallée de larmes... We must not be afraid of the sunlight using the excuse that it has always served to shed light on a wretched world.” He concluded by announcing: “Here comes the sun to dissipate life’s shadows: joy and understanding to help out. Our mental world is filled with sunlight: the joy we have chosen as a sun to guide us. We have chosen pleasure as a reaction to the years of tedious terror, and consequently we stand firm in our longing for joy, a joy that will spread and grow more intense for everyone when the last noxious fumes of ‘knowledge’ have vanished from everyone’s mental universe.” (K. Rooney and E. Plattner, eds., op. cit., 2016, pp. 94, 96 and 101). This is likely the vision of a “Dominion of Light” that Magritte sought to express in L’empire des lumières.
The English word “empyrean” may be relevant here, as an adjective relating to the heavenly or celestial, or as a noun signifying “the highest part of heaven, thought by the ancients to be the realm of pure fire” (Oxford English Dictionary)—but only, however, insofar as this image may conjure, by way of simile, Magritte’s night sky filled with light. The artist would have taken issue with any suggestion derived from a religious tradition, or any “mystical” notion, as he revealed in comments regarding an interpretation that his friend the poet Paul Colinet had offered for the fourth version of L’empire des lumières (formerly in the collection of Georges de Menil; Sylvester no. 781). “His attempt to explain it is distressing: it appears I am a great mystic, providing consolation (because of the luminous sky) for our miseries (the landscape of houses and black trees). The intention is no doubt good, but all this keeps us on the level of pathetic humanity” (quoted in D. Sylvester, op. cit., 1993, vol. III, p. 200).
A Poetic Art
“The art of painting, as I see it, makes possible the creation of visible poetic images. They reveal the riches and details that our eyes can readily recognize: trees, skies, stones, objects, people, etc. They are meaningful when the intelligence is freed from the obsessive will to give things a meaning in order to use or master them.
“The searching intelligence sharpens when it sees the meaning in poetic images. The meaning goes with the moral certainty that we belong to the World. And so, this actual belonging becomes a right to belong. The changing content of these poetic images tallies with the richness of our moral certainty. It does not happen at will, it does not obey any system, whether logical or illogical, rigid or fanciful.
“The unexpected appearance of a poetic image is celebrated by the intelligence, ally of the enigmatic and marvelous Light that comes from the World.”
René Magritte
(From La Carte d’après Nature, 8 January 1955, p. 6; in K. Rooney and E. Plattner, eds., op. cit., Minneapolis, 2016, p. 161).
Selected highlights from among the variant versions of L’empire des lumières
Magritte’s repeated treatment of the Empire des lumières idea amounts to a theme with variations; the alterations from one canvas to the next, in nuance and motif, serve to expand and enhance the poetic effect of the artist’s intentions. Changes in the size of the canvases, alternating as well between horizontal and vertical formats, allow the viewer to experience the impact of Magritte’s conception in different ways.
At this point, it should be mentioned that the present L’empire des lumières, while the first picture of this subject that Magritte completed, is not the first he actually began. This honor belongs to the penultimate, sixteenth version (Sylvester, no. 954), which Magritte began in 1948, but set aside when no more than two-thirds completed, before he turned to the present canvas (see below).
The artist painted the second version (Sylvester, no. 723) of L’empire des lumières less than a year following the present painting, in June 1950, on a larger sized canvas, allowing a broader array of building façades, in which the artist told Iolas he had “revealed the full strength of the idea” (quoted in cat rais., op. cit., 1993, vol. III, p. 157). The more engaging, intimate effect of the present, original painting, however, is undeniable. Iolas sold the first variant to Jean and Dominique de Menil by the end of the year; they immediately gifted the picture to The Museum of Modern Art, New York.
Because the De Menils desired a L’empire des lumières for their own collection, Iolas placed an order for the fourth version (Sylvester, no. 781), which Magritte completed in August 1952. It was shipped to New York in January 1953 and there acquired by the De Menils (sold, Christie’s New York, 7 May 2002, lot 36).
Version 6, 1953 (Sylvester, no. 797) was sold to Richard Rodgers, the composer of South Pacific and other Broadway musicals, in 1953 (sold, Christie’s New York, 11 November 1992, lot 18). Version 7, 1953 (Sylvester, no. 803) was acquired by New York collector Arnold Weissberger after 1953 (sold, Christie’s New York, 14 May 1986, lot 53).
Peggy Guggenheim purchased version 8, 1954 (Sylvester, no. 804) in October 1954, having seen it in the Venice Biennale. Because of confusion stemming from the efforts of three parties to reserve the picture prior to the Biennale, Magritte discovered he had in effect promised it to each of them—Willy van Hove, the Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, Brussels, and his dealer Iolas. The artist thereafter painted in 1954 three more variants, versions 9-11 (Sylvester nos. 804, 810, and 814) to satisfy his obligations to all three clients.
Magritte painted version 12 (Sylvester, no. 842), probably in 1956, and sold it directly to a private collector. The artist also managed the re-sale of this painting to Chicago collector Barnet Hodes in 1960.
In response to a request from Iolas, the artist painted an Empire des lumières in 1957 (version 13; Sylvester, no. 858). A member of the dealer’s family saw the work while in progress, and upon completion became its owner; the painting thereafter remained in the family’s possession.
Harry Torczyner, one of Magritte’s most dedicated collectors and the author of Magritte: Images and Ideas (New York, 1977), commissioned version 14 (Sylvester, no. 880) directly from the artist in 1958 (sold, Christies New York, 19 November 1998, lot 313).
Version 16, mentioned above (Sylvester no. 954) is the completion of the painting that Magritte began in 1948. Having seen it in the studio, the eventual owners learned from Magritte that he had been unable to resolve the picture in its vertical format. They offered to purchase the canvas if the artist would finish it, which was accomplished in 1962 (sold, Christie’s London, 25 June 1996, lot 40).
Magritte inserted into the final version 17 (Sylvester, no. 1006) the silhouette of the man in the bowler hat, his proxy, seen from behind, which he painted in 1964 or 1965, for a private collection.
A painting showing a daylit sky above a nocturnal scene was left unfinished and untitled at Magritte’s death on 15 August 1967 (Sylvester, no. 1066).
Nota do blog: Foi vendida em 2017 durante leilão da Christie’s por US$ 20,562,500.