segunda-feira, 4 de janeiro de 2021

Retrato de um Jovem Segurando uma Rodela (Portrait of a Young Man Holding a Roundel) - Sandro Botticelli







Retrato de um Jovem Segurando uma Rodela (Portrait of a Young Man Holding a Roundel) - Sandro Botticelli
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In exceptionally good condition, this painting of a Young Man Holding a Roundel embodies Sandro Botticelli’s greatest achievements as a portraitist. Praised by the great Italian Renaissance scholar and museum director John Pope Hennessy as "a giant among portraitists," Botticelli was celebrated in this field, yet precious few examples of his portraits survive today. Were it not for his fashionable tunic, the supremely elegant individual depicted here could have stepped out of one of Botticelli’s mythological or religious paintings, so striking is his resemblance to the beautiful figures that inhabit those works. Innovative in form and at the same time wholly characteristic of Botticelli’s genius, this timeless masterpiece dates to the height of his career. It represents the perfect visual expression of late quattrocento Florentine culture, yet the crisp simplicity of its setting and the lifelike presence of the sitter renders it profoundly modern.
An attractive young man, seen at half-length and in three-quarter view, sits in front of a stone window frame. Graceful and poised, he is probably aged to his late teenage years. His long, golden hair, parted at center, frames the delicate features of his face, which is animated by his piercing eyes and finely modeled countenance. His brow is strong, his cheekbones high and softly blushed, his nose distinctive, his chin dimpled, his neck long, and his lips thin and rosy, pursed with an air of self-assurance. The subtle hues of his mauve doublet, closed at the neck and fastened with a row of buttons down his chest, perfectly complement the warmth of his skin, while its tonal gradations define his slender and strong figure.
With a confident pose, the sitter presents one of the picture’s most striking features: a roundel of a bearded saint with his right hand raised. This small gold-ground painting, which dates to fourteenth-century Siena, is a separate work of art altogether. It is set into Botticelli’s panel flush with the surface, held in a painted frame and balanced atop a stone parapet. With both hands, the sitter steadies his prized object as he tips it backward ever so slightly, the light from above casting glints of yellow on the fictive frame. The fingers of his left hand and the shadows they cast on the stone below further add to the work’s illusionism, while the intensity of his gaze, calm expression, and lifelike quality pay eloquent testament to Botticelli’s prodigious skills and innovative mind.
This young man emanates a powerful and engaging presence. He is placed forward in the picture plane in direct conversation with his audience. His face offers an endless array of expressions, some more permanent while others more fleeting, ranging from a confident propriety and a sly inner knowing to an approachable warmth and an intellectual grandeur. His lifelike figure fills the composition, balanced and framed on all sides by strong and crisp tones of grey; the curves of his features are impeccably balanced against an unpretentious backdrop of simple geometric forms set into place by a carefully planned network of lines and angles. The seemingly uncomplicated setting coupled with the sitter’s two fingers, which deftly cross over the pictorial boundary, create a wholly convincing three-dimensional space that extends from within the realm of the sitter into that of the viewer.
This portrait descended for generations in the Newborough family in northern Wales, where it hung in the family seat of Glynllifon. It was unknown to scholars before it appeared on the art market in the early 20th century, acquired from the Welsh family by Frank Sabin in about 1935. When he sold the painting to the renowned British scientist and collector Sir Thomas Ralph Merton in about 1941, Kenneth Clark, then Director of the National Gallery in London, wholly endorsed its attribution to Botticelli and praised it as "one of the finest fifteenth-century portraits I have ever seen on the market." First published as Botticelli by Alfred Scharf in his 1950 catalogue of the Merton collection, this portrait remained largely out of the public eye for the next few decades, aside from its inclusion in the 1960 Royal Academy Exhibition at Burlington House in London. As such, much of the twentieth-century critical discourse on the artist overlooked this painting, including the monographic studies by Roberto Salvini (1958) and Gabriele Mandel (1970). Roberto Longhi first introduced a possible attribution for this work to Francesco Botticini, an attribution later favored by Everett Fahy, while Ronald Lightbown included it under his tentative category of "other paintings attributed to Botticelli or his school." However, in almost all the years since this painting was acquired by the present owner in 1982, it has been on public view, hanging in prominent international museums (including the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and the National Gallery of Art in Washington D.C.) and featuring in important exhibitions as a masterpiece by Botticelli. It is widely considered by scholars today to be one of the artist’s finest and most significant works.
Sandro Botticelli is the consummate Italian Renaissance artist, the progenitor of some of the most enduring and endearing images of the age, including the Primavera and The Birth of Venus. The great prestige he achieved during his lifetime subsided after his death in 1510, as his style was considered old-fashioned alongside the grand manner of Raphael and Michelangelo. It was not until the end of the nineteenth century, with its reawakened interest in late quattrocento Florentine history and art, that Botticelli resumed his rightful position as one of the most admired and beloved artists of the Renaissance. As Walter Pater so eloquently said of the artist, “he is before all things a poetical painter, blending the charm of story and sentiment, the medium of the art of poetry, with the charm of line and color, the medium of abstract painting.”
Alessandro di Mariano di Vanni Filipepi, known as Sandro Botticelli, was born around 1444-1445, the son of a tanner. He lived and worked in Florence for nearly all his career, and his paintings are synonymous with the city’s artistic achievements. Botticelli’s considerable talents were recognized at a young age. He may have trained as a goldsmith before entering the studio of Fra Filippo Lippi around 1461/1462, where he learned the importance of line, perspective, and overall compositional elegance. Botticelli possibly spent time in the workshop of Andrea del Verrocchio around 1467, the year Lippi went to Spoleto, and by the end of the decade, he had established his own independent workshop in his family home on the Via del Porcellana.
Botticelli burst onto the broader Florentine stage in 1470 with his powerful portrayal of Fortitude, painted for the public assembly hall of the Tribunale della Mercanzia, the commercial court of Florence. In his assured rendering of this virtuous figure, he eclipsed his contemporary Piero del Pollaiuolo, who had already been commissioned to paint other allegories of the virtues for the room. In Fortitude, Botticelli established some trademark stylistic elements, from the delicate modelling of the figure’s face, to the extraordinary detail of the costume and architectural setting, to the way the figure fills the pictorial space, set close to the foreground, with the edge of her left toe slightly crossing into the realm of the viewer. Such techniques anticipate their fullest expression over the next two decades and are not so unlike those more maturely employed in the present portrait.
By 1475-1476, Botticelli painted his famed Adoration of the Magi, an altarpiece commissioned by Gaspare del Lama for his family chapel in Santa Maria Novella.
Writing more than a century after it was painted, Giorgio Vasari praised this altarpiece as “truly a most admirable work; the composition, the design, and the coloring are so beautiful that every artist who examines it is astonished.” The altarpiece underscores Botticelli’s predilection for portraiture. In addition to including his own self-portrait in the right foreground, Botticelli populates this religious scene with several generations of the Medici, preserved for posterity in an engaging range of poses and facial expressions. Such important and ambitious commissions as this helped to bring prestige to the artist in this early stage of his career.
In 1480, Botticelli painted his triumphant fresco of Saint Augustine as a pendant to Domenico Ghirlandaio’s Saint Jerome in the church of the Ognissanti. Although his fame had reached far outside Florence by the time of this commission, this painting may have played a part in finally securing the interest of Pope Sixtus IV, who in the fall of 1481 invited Botticelli, Domenico Ghirlandaio, Cosimo Rosselli, and others to fresco the upper walls of the Sistine Chapel in Rome with scenes from the lives of Christ and Moses. Botticelli would paint three frescoes in the Chapel that year, and he was recorded back in Florence by the autumn of 1482. This Roman sojourn was a highlight of the years that can be regarded as the peak of his career, from the late 1470s to the mid-1480s, and many of his best works—including the Primavera (circa 1480) and The Birth of Venus (circa 1485)—can all be dated within a few years of this pivotal moment.
This Portrait of a Young Man Holding a Roundel also belongs to this period of fevered artistic creativity. Richard Stapleford, in the first comprehensive overview of the portrait, dates it to Botticelli’s time in Rome or in the two or three years following, that is, the first half of the 1480s, a dating also proposed by the curators of the 2009-2010 exhibition Botticelli: Likeness, Myth, Devotion at the Städel Museum in Frankfurt. Others have suggested a dating to the late 1470s, which would add significantly to the portrait’s rarity, bringing it closer in terms of its chronology to Botticelli’s famed Portrait of a Young Man with the Medal of Cosimo il Vecchio in the Uffizi, datable to about 1475, and the sequence of portraits of Giuliano de’ Medici, painted posthumously after his assassination on Easter Sunday of 1478. Whatever the precise dating, the present portrait shares many characteristics that define Botticelli’s works at the height of his powers: confident rendering, elegant refinement, and visual innovation.
Botticelli’s name is synonymous with the Florence of Lorenzo de’ Medici (1449-1492), known already in his own lifetime as Lorenzo the Magnificent. Born into the most powerful banking family of the Florentine Republic, the son of Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici and Lucrezia Tornabuoni, Lorenzo became de facto head of state in 1469 and led the Republic until his death in 1492. He was a wise and talented leader, whose political strengths, which emulated those of his grandfather Cosimo il Vecchio, were equally rivaled by his passion for the arts. Lorenzo, who was an avid collector himself, fostered some of the greatest artistic and intellectual minds of his age, serving as an enthusiastic patron to painters, sculptors, poets, and philosophers. In addition to Botticelli, he welcomed to his court the artists Andrea del Verrocchio, the Pollaiuolo brothers, Domenico Ghirlandaio, Michelangelo, and Leonardo da Vinci as well as the humanist scholars Marsilio Ficino, Angelo Poliziano, and Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. The flourishing cultural center that he created opened endless cultural possibilities and opportunities, and Vasari would later aptly describe his reign as “truly a golden age for men of talent.”
Botticelli was one of the most successful and sought-after artists in Florence during this golden age. In the 1470s and 1480s, he secured regular commissions and support from the Medici family, as well as from their elite entourage and religious establishments. He would quickly become the choice artist of this group of patrons, under whose auspices he enjoyed great favor and painted some of his most complex masterpieces. In this fertile environment, Botticelli was close to some of the greatest minds of the era, many of whom would inspire much of his pictorial language. Within these intellectual circles at the Medici court, Renaissance Humanism found firm grounding. It led to a revived interest in classical antiquity and ancient texts, inspired the collecting of ancient objects, focused attention on the individual, and placed an increased emphasis on artistic invention. The present portrait is very much a product of that erudite and highly educated world.
As is the case with many portraits of this period, the identity of the handsome young sitter in this painting has been lost to history. He is likely a member of the Medici family or someone from their close circle, and his resemblance to the men of this family is emphasized by Karla Langedijk in her survey of Medici portraiture. In his 1950 catalogue, Scharf dismissed the idea that the young man might be Piero de’ Medici (1472–1503), son of Lorenzo the Magnificent, instead identifying the sitter as Giovanni di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici (1467–1498), also known as Giovanni “il Popolano,” Lorenzo’s cousin from a secondary branch of the family who was later to marry Caterina Sforza in 1497—a union which would produce the line that would later become the Grand Dukes of Tuscany. This identification is particularly attractive, as his own older brother, Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici (also “il Popolano”), was likely the first owner of the Primavera and the Birth of Venus, however this idea has not found universal support. Some resemblance can also be drawn to the likeness of the young Lorenzo di Giovanni Tornabuoni (1468-1497), the fair-haired younger cousin of Lorenzo the Magnificent. Lorenzo Tornabuoni was known for his noble beauty and brilliant mind, and he held a favored position of the Medici court. His profile features appear in Botticelli’s fresco of A Young Man Being Introduced to the Seven Liberal Arts, today in the Musée du Louvre. Attempts have also been made to link the name of the young man to the saint in the roundel he holds, but the saint’s lack of attributes precludes a firm identification on an iconographic basis.
To the contemporary mind Botticelli’s mythological and religious masterpieces represent the near summation of Florentine Renaissance art and culture. He should be equally celebrated, however, for his portraits. Although fewer in number, they provide a more direct window into late quattrocento society than do his saints or mythological figures. Only about a dozen portraits by him survive, almost all in museum collections, but they represent an important part of Botticelli’s corpus and provide a deeper understanding of his genius. Botticelli remained at the forefront of innovation in this genre, exploring spatial relationships and effects of light in his composition. He was instrumental in advancing portraiture to its more fully modern form, propelling it from the decorative or summary likenesses of the mid-fifteenth century towards the advances that are on full display in the present picture. Only he and a few other painters of his day, such as the Pollaiuolo brothers, began to convey a sense of personality and inner character that had not been attempted in Italy since antiquity.
Florence had already witnessed a revived interest in the genre of portraiture by the mid-fifteenth century. Many of the portraits of this earlier period often depicted their subjects in profile or as donors in religious works, ancillary to the spiritual narrative of the whole composition (although subtly reminding the viewer who had bankrolled the painter’s efforts). By the time Botticelli became an independent master, however, emphasis had begun to shift towards the single figure alone, rendered with a more lifelike presence. Undoubtedly, Botticelli’s exploration of portraiture was in part a response to the dazzling humanist atmosphere fostered in Florence by the Medici, but it also had distinct roots in a tradition already established in Northern Europe. Netherlandish artists were among the first painters in the fifteenth century to capture realistic, bust-length likenesses of individuals turned in a three-quarter view. Their mastery of the oil technique allowed them to produce minutely rendered illusionistic details which astounded their contemporaries. Jan van Eyck’s Portrait of the Goldsmith Jan de Leeuw from earlier in the 15th century is a striking example of this, so is Hans Memling’s more contemporary Portrait of a Young Man in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, which was likely sent to Florence soon after it was completed in circa 1472-1475. The latter of these and other works by Northern artists were to have a lasting impact on Florentine art by the time Botticelli was painting his first portraits in the 1470s.
Botticelli’s earliest efforts in portraiture were produced at about the same time he began to receive important public commissions, no doubt a sign of the young artist’s growing prestige. Perhaps the first of these is the depiction of another fashionable Florentine youth, the Portrait of a Young Man with a Mazzocchio, circa 1470, in the Palazzo Pitti, Florence. In that painting, the sitter is shown in the simplest manner possible: head and shoulders against a neutral light blue background. Even at this early date, there is already a patently successful attempt to render the sitter’s personality. The youth’s slightly pursed lips and his somewhat haughty glare suggest, if nothing else, that he is extremely pleased with his very fashionable attire. Botticelli’s attempts at psychological analysis never slackened after this, and his subsequent portraits only magnified in skill and scope.
Botticelli furthered these developments by using architectural elements to define interior spaces. In the 1470s, he started to experiment with these settings by using fictive constructions to create a deeper illusion of three-dimensionality, thus drawing the viewer’s eye into the space that his sitters occupied. This is visible in his Portrait of a Young Woman said to be Smeralda Bandinelli, circa 1470, in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London, one of the only female portraits in which the artist has turned the sitter in a three-quarter rather than a profile view. This approach was perhaps more successfully realized in his Portrait of a Man of circa 1475, formerly in the Museo Filangieri, Naples (and destroyed during the Second World War).
As Botticelli moved through that decade into the early 1480s, he abandoned more complicated interiors, favoring a simplified background as an ideal setting to focus the viewer’s attention on his sitters. Indeed, this move to abstraction reaches a culmination in the present Portrait of a Young Man Holding a Roundel, where the artist uses bands of carefully chosen contrasting shades of grey to create a stone “box” in which to pose his sitter. The tonalities of the blue and the stripes of grey are positioned to heighten the sense of depth in the composition and to lure the eye both forwards and backwards. The subtle shadow cast on the ledge by the hand of the young man as he holds the framed medallion only reinforces the illusion that Botticelli has created with the sparest amount of visual information possible.
The present work is thus, arguably, one of the master’s best portraits and is reflective of the revolution that Botticelli was helping to create. It is comparable in its inventiveness and superb quality to his Portrait of a Young Man with the Medal of Cosimo il Vecchio, at the Uffizi in Florence and his Portrait of Giuliano de’ Medici, at the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.
The former, which dates to about 1475 and is the only known portrait by Botticelli in which he sets his sitter in front of a landscape, a nod to the northern tradition, includes a roundel in pastiglia meant to represent a medal of Cosimo il Vecchio. Although the technique is different, the comparison between the Uffizi portrait and this Portrait of a Young Man Holding a Roundel is unavoidable and suggests a more than coincidental connection between the sitter and the objects that they hold out for us to examine. While the earlier example in the Uffizi presents a clear message—that the young man is very much pro-Medici—the handsome young man in the present portrait remains a tantalizing enigma. The latter portrait of Giuliano de’ Medici is part of a series of posthumous portraits commissioned from Botticelli after Giuliano’s assassination on Easter of 1478. Like the present example, Giuliano is placed against a simplified background of pietra serena, the cool grey stone that defined much of Florentine architecture of the period. With downcast eyes, he is turned partly in profile, an element which allows for his distinct, and almost saintly features, to be captured. Resting on the parapet in the lower left are a twig and a turtledove, possibly symbols to remind the viewers of his untimely death.
One of this picture’s most fascinating elements is the round, gold ground panel proudly held in the hands of the dashing young man—an older work of art set into the new. It is by Bartolomeo Bulgarini, a fourteenth century Sienese artist whose refined technique reveals the influence of Duccio, Ugolino di Nerio and Pietro Lorenzetti. The grain of the wood and the truncated punchwork of the background confirm it as a fragment—one not always round in shape, but rather cut out of a larger, vertical panel. While some of the gilding around the curved edges has been repaired, the figure of the saint has survived, like the rest of this painting, in very good condition. He is depicted half-length with a long grey beard, balding head and wearing a grey mantle atop an orange robe. Set against a gilded background, he is surrounded by a network of geometric punchwork that serves to frame his figure in a manner not unlike the painted architectural setting behind the young man. The saint lacks any identifiable iconographic attributes, and only his right hand is visible, raised in an apparent gesture of blessing.
Bulgarini was active from about 1337-1378, primarily in Siena but also in other cities throughout Tuscany. This included Florence, where his works were still present in Botticelli’s lifetime, including a polyptych painted in the 1340s for the Covoni family in Florence, possibly for their family chapel in the basilica of Santa Croce. This polyptych, which included a number of Franciscan saints in each register, was recorded by Vasari in his lifetime as still in Santa Croce in the chapel of Saint Sylvester. Many art historians have considered an altarpiece by Bulgarini that was in the Museo di Santa Croce until 1966 (and now in storage) to be identifiable as the Covoni polyptych, although more recent information has brought this into question. In his 1987 article, Stapleford discussed stylistic similarities between a bust of an angel from that altarpiece and the saint in the roundel discussed here; Judith Steinhoff-Morrison explored this idea further in her doctoral dissertation on Bulgarini, tentatively suggesting that this roundel may have originally formed part of the same altarpiece. She also introduced the intriguing possibility that the saint’s gesture could relate to a tradition of sign language used by Franciscan monks to signal a vow of silence. Whatever the exact origin of the roundel, a number of gothic period altarpieces were being disassembled in Florence during the second half of the 15th century, as chapels and churches were being updated in the new Renaissance style, and thus would have provided ample sources of such earlier paintings for collectors and artists alike.
While admiration for this portrait’s astounding quality and beauty is unequivocal, it is this trecento roundel that continues to attract lively scholarly debate. Was something other than what we see today once held in the young man's hands? Some art historians believe so. One of the first was Roberto Longhi who considered the insertion of a fragment of a Gothic polyptych into a Renaissance frame as “antistorico,” or ahistorical. He instead believed that the roundel was a later substitute for a pastiglia medallion that disintegrated over time, similar to the gilt gesso disc in Botticelli’s portrait in the Uffizi. Longhi’s idea of there being a lack of historical precedent for repurposing works of art in such a manner has been upheld by other scholars, such as Keith Christiansen, who rule out the fifteenth century marriage of the roundel and Botticelli’s panel and consider it rather a later nineteenth or twentieth century alteration. Further attention on this side of the argument is placed on the contradictory relationship between the angle of the illusionistic frame and the flat, frontal format of the roundel. David Alan Brown, in the catalogue for the 2001-2002 exhibition Virtue and Beauty at the National Gallery of Art in Washington D.C., introduced the possibility that this roundel replaced a mirror, in which would have appeared the reflection of the young man’s beloved.
However, other scholars—including Alexander Nagel, Richard Stapleford, Hubert von Sonnenberg, and Petra Kathke—believe that the Sienese roundel is original to Botticelli’s conception, set into the panel by the artist himself. To these minds, it is integral to the meaning of the painting, as are the “medal” of Cosimo il Vecchio to the Uffizi portrait, and the turtledove and dead twig to Giuliano’s portrait in Washington. Scharf and Chastel suggested the roundel may be evidence of a special devotion of the sitter to the object or the saint, while Stapleford introduced the idea of it being a vanitas object, one that highlighted the passage of time and the transience of the material world. Stapleford notes, “the power of Botticelli’s portrait lies in his ability to express the exquisite beauty inherent in life while simultaneously confronting the fragility of that beauty.” Nagel, whose essay Conversation Across Time: Botticelli’s Young Man Holding a Roundel accompanies this text, considers the roundel’s inclusion as consistent with the cultural and intellectual milieu of the period as well as its artistic and collecting practice. By the late fourteenth century, the trade of icons and trecento panels was thriving, as revered archaic objects and fragments from dismantled medieval altars flooded into the hands of avid collectors and artists. Other support for the roundel being intended by Botticelli lies in the visual similarities between the young man and the saint, which do not appear to be merely coincidental: both are depicted in half length, both are attired in simple clothing, both are framed by a geometric element, and both add dimension to their compositions by the position of their fingers. In addition, the strong illusion created by Botticelli in this portrait would argue against an element such as a pastiglia medallion, a three dimensional addition that would counteract the effect crafted by the artist’s faultlessly calibrated execution of the fictive frame into which it would have been set and by the sitter’s perfectly articulated hands.
All said, the originality of the roundel and its significance have yet to be fully resolved, for in no other portrait by Botticelli or his contemporaries is such a conceit used, the closest analogy being the Uffizi portrait. What is certain, however, is that the roundel is of an older age and that an intricate network of carefully incised lines made by Botticelli in the preparatory stages of this portrait affirms his innovative conception of a round object to be set in this position within a painted frame.
This painting has survived in remarkable condition. Its excellent state of preservation underscores Botticelli’s confident and consummate skills, yet further insights into his mind and his creative process are revealed through modern imaging technology, which unveils information beyond the painted surface. X-radiographs, for example, point to fascinating changes in the evolution of the portrait; the sitter’s hair was lengthened to his shoulders and changes were made to the collar of his tunic. Infrared reflectography reveals a freely executed underdrawing in parts of the picture, some of which show how Botticelli made various adjustments to the composition. For instance, Botticelli used gestural lines to sketch the shape of the sitter’s slender torso. He made changes to the position of the sitter’s hands, the placement of his left shoulder, the profile of his neck and chin, and the position of the row of buttons on his tunic. The hands show denser and more vigorous brush marking than the face, and they are painted over completed costume and architectural elements. The technical findings for this portrait are more fully explored by Karen E. Thomas and Matt Hayes in an analysis that accompanies this text, titled The Materials and Making of Botticelli’s Portrait of a Young Man Holding a Roundel.
Comparable working techniques are found in other portraits by Botticelli. Infrared imaging recently undertaken of the Uffizi’s Portrait of a Young Man with the Medal of Cosimo il Vecchio shows a similarly applied underdrawing to define the edge of the face, lips, and eyes. It also reveals that many changes were made to the placement of that sitter’s fingers after the stucco relief was set into the panel, for the medal was larger than planned, so the fingers had to be reimagined. Similar to the present portrait, Botticelli’s Portrait of a Lady known as Smeralda Bandinelli shows compositional changes to the sitter’s arms, hands and sleeves, made as the painted composition was evolving—an illustration of how this technique was typical of Botticelli’s working practice and design process already in the early 1470s. In that painting, Botticelli similarly used incised lines to lay out the composition after his underdrawing for the sitter was largely complete.
The importance of the present portrait is even further enhanced by its distinguished provenance. While old inventory numbers on the reverse would seem to indicate earlier, seventeenth- and eighteenth-century owners, the portrait is first securely recorded in the collection of the Newborough Family of Glynllifon Park, Caernarfon, Wales, probably by the late eighteenth century. According to Newborough family history, and further discussed by Brian Moloney in a series of essays, Sir Thomas Wynn (1736-1807), 1st Lord Newborough, is thought to have been its first recorded owner. Sir Thomas Wynn, who served as a member of Parliament from 1761-1807 and was raised to the peerage in 1776, likely acquired the painting in Florence, where he lived from 1782-1791 in “a very obscure manner”, according to Horace Mann. It is thought that he possibly received it as a gift from Leopold II (1747-1792), Grand Duke of Tuscany from 1765-1790. While in Florence, Wynn married his second wife, a young woman by the name of Maria Stella Petronilla Chiappini (1773-1843), an equally eccentric character who later in life claimed she was the legitimate heir of Louis Philippe, Duc d’Orléans, having been secretly traded at birth for a male child. Lord Newborough returned to Wales in 1791 with a reluctant Maria Stella, probably with the painting in tow.
Letters in the Newborough archives reveal that Spencer Bulkeley Wynn (1803-1888), 3rd Lord Newborough and the younger son of the 1st Lord Newborough and Maria Stella, was also actively acquiring paintings for the Newborough Collection from the 1840s until the 1870s, leaving open the possibility that if not the 1st Lord Newborough, it certainly could have been the 3rd who acquired the present painting. The 3rd Lord Newborough died a wealthy man in 1888. While the Barony passed to his grandson, William Charles Wynn (1873-1916), 4th Lord Newborough, his estate at Glynllifon passed to his youngest son Frederick George Wynn (1853-1932). After Frederick’s death, the Glynllifon reverted back to his nephew Thomas John Wynn (1878-1957), 5th Lord Newborough, and many of the family’s possessions came on the market, including furniture, decorative arts, paintings, and the present portrait, which was sold by Lord Newborough, possibly through an intermediary agent, to the London dealer Frank Sabin in circa 1935.
This portrait in turn was sold by Sabin in 1941 to the distinguished British physicist, spectrometrist, and inventor Sir Thomas Ralph Merton (1888-1969), whose achievements in the realm of the sciences were matched by the caliber of his art collection.47 He was a true connoisseur, finding a passion for art after visiting museums around Europe with his son John, who would go on to be an accomplished artist himself. Sir Thomas’s carefully curated collection, amassed in the 1930s and 1940s, consisted of over thirty masterworks of the highest quality, primarily examples from the Italian and Northern Renaissance that dated from 1450 to 1520. His collection was formed with an astute eye—one directed not towards size or subject, even though many of the paintings were portraits, but rather towards brushwork, color and the quality of pigments—elements inspired by his scientific background and his interest in spectrometry. This Botticelli portrait was undoubtedly the highlight of his collection, serving as the frontispiece of his 1950 collection catalogue written by Scharf as well as the poster image for the 1960 Royal Academy Exhibition of Italian Art in Britain. Other notable paintings from his collection included Bartolomeo Montagna’s Virgin and Child with a Saint of circa 1483 today in the Walker Art Gallery, Liverpool, Lucas Cranach the Elder’s Portrait of a Woman Holding Grapes in a private collection, Botticelli’s Madonna and Child with a Pomegranate in an Alcove, Piero del Pollaiuolo’s Portrait of a Youth, Hans Holbein the Younger’s Portrait of Johannes Froben, among many others. Merton’s passion for the arts also extended into the positions he held on several museum boards, including the National Gallery as well as its Scientific Advisory Board, and the board of the National Portrait Gallery. After his death in 1969, his collection passed to his wife, Violet Marjory Merton, and after she died in 1976, many of the paintings from the collection came on the market. The present portrait was acquired by the present owner in 1982 at Christie’s in London, where it was sold by the order of the Merton Trustees.


Bugatti Type 39 Grand Prix Racing Two-Seater 1925, França








































Bugatti Type 39 Grand Prix Racing Two-Seater 1925, França
Fotografia

All the sophistication of Ettore Bugatti's famously thoughtful design ethic is embodied within this wonderfully well-presented ex-works racing Bugatti Type 39, as manufactured at the charismatic Molsheim factory in 1925...
Mr Bugatti built his reputation upon creating rapid and reliable motor cars endowed with competitively powerful engines in light, compact, and nimble chassis. Above all he clearly grasped the over-riding importance of a high power-to-weight ratio in contrast to some other quality car constructors to whom overall weight seemed irrelevant compared to achieving the highest possible power not necessarily out there on the open road, nor race circuit, but in the engine test-house...
While combining in so many of his sporting models high power, minimal mass and a good-handling, driveable chassis, Ettore Bugatti also manufactured most of them in sufficient numbers to attract, and to satisfy, broad demand from a moneyed and dashingly competition-minded market.
In 1924 Mr Bugatti had launched his 2-litre Type 35 design, and by 1925 the Type 39 followed to comply with maximum 1500cc Voiturette racing regulations – effectively the Formula 2 of the time. Use of a short-stroke crankshaft in the straight-8 cylinder engine provided bore and stroke measurements of 60mm x 66mm, displacing 1493cc. Possibly Mr Bugatti was anticipating the overall Grand Prix capacity limit rule change for 1926-27 which would cut maximum permitted engine capacity from 2-litres to 1½.
The Type 39s made their debut in the Grand Prix de Tourisme at Montlhéry south of Paris, France, in June 1925. The four new works team cars promptly finished 1-2-3-4 in their class, and in 3rd place was '4607' now offered here, driven by Giulio Foresti.
Of course the pinnacle of road racing competition during the 1920s was the Grand Prix arena, and when the1925 Italian Grand Prix at Monza Autodrome was run concurrently with the 1500cc Gran Premio delle Vetturette the Bugatti company contested it with a full team of five Type 39s.
The race was run over 80 laps of the Milanese Autodrome's 10km combined road and high-speed track. Bugatti's team captain was Bartolomeo 'Meo' Costantini, teamed to drive with Jules Goux, Pierre de Vizcaya, Count Carlo Masetti and Count Aymo Maggi, who was replacing Ferdinand de Vizcaya, the Spanish banker – and backer of the Bugatti company - who arrived late from Barcelona. And when Count Masetti had to stand down due to a leg injury, it was Giulio Foresti who took his place to drive '4607' in the long race...
As the Gran Premio developed, the Bugattis not only dominated the Voiturette category but also climbed the leader board amongst the full 2-litre Grand Prix cars. Finally – after 5hrs 44mins 40.91secs to be precise (the Italian lap-scorers immensely proud of their then-new hundredth-second timing equipment) the Gran Premio delle Vetturette was decided with Costantini's Bugatti Type 39 winning from the sister cars of Ferdinand de Vizcaya and Giulio Foresti, respectively 2nd and 3rd. Pierre de Vizcaya's Type 39 placed fourth while Jules Goux's engine had failed after 64 of the 80 laps. Overall, the Bugatti Type 39s had proved so fast and reliable that Costantini finished the Grand Prix 3rd overall, Ferdinand de Vizcaya 6th and Foresti in '4607' now offered here, 7th.
A record survives of this car and its sister '4604' both being sold soon after to the British importer, Colonel Sorel in London, and it is thought that Giulio Foresti – an accomplished 'wheeler-dealer' in his own right – then found an eager buyer for the pair – one A.V.Turner - in Australia, although alternative reference suggests that '4607' was imported there by prominent Vauxhall driver Boyd Edkins.
On June 19, 1926, the car certainly appeared upon Sydney's high-banked Maroubra Speedway driven by a friend and colleague of Edkins, Dick Clarke. While the Type 39s – or 'Monzas' as they became known in Australia – became particularly noted for their wonderfully high-pitched exhaust note, they were not well-suited to Maroubra, since they were over-geared for the tight Speedway. Clarke was still able to win a heat there on September 4, 1926, and '4607' lapped the speedbowl at 86mph. At Penrith Clarke won a heat and a semi-final before taking 2nd and 3rd places in two further events. Then back at Maroubra for the January, 1927 meeting Clarke won two heats and took 2nd in a final.
The car later passed to 20-year-old Sid Cox, son of a wealthy building magnate. The young man also had a Bugatti Type 40 which he used as a tender when he took '4607' to Philip Island, Melbourne, Victoria, to race in the 1928 Australian Grand Prix. With friend Ken McKinney alongside him Sid Cox practised for the great race only for bronze filings to be found in the oil filter, a sign that the power unit's bronze roller-bearing cages were failing. On race day, sure enough, '4607's engine broke a connecting rod.
A new crankcase and sump were bought for the car, but the old sump was used in the rebuild, mated to the new crankcase. Cox then sold '4607' to poster-artist Reg St John who became noted for maintaining the Bugatti in utterly pristine, highly polished and well-cherished condition. He reportedly used it to parade up and down Swanston Street, Melbourne, admiring his reflection in the shop windows. And why not?
However, Australian racer Carl Junker then acquired the car and – with Reg Nutt as his riding mechanic – he entered it in the 1931 Australian GP again at Philip Island. They were running second behind Hope Bartlett's Bugatti Type 37A on the penultimate lap when its engine failed, Junker and Nutt joyously inheriting outright Grand Prix victory for '4607'. Ernie Nutt had tuned the car and he would recall that Junker used 7,000rpm through the gears, '4607' achieving 55mph in 1st, 72mph in 2nd and 103mph in 3rd.
Racing again in the 1932 Australian GP, Junker improved his lap times but fell victim to spark-plug trouble which meant he could finish only 5th. Completing the long race ahead of him that day was Merton Wreford in his Brescia Bugatti, and he later bought '4607' from Junker, reputedly after it had suffered another engine failure.
Mert Wreford fixed the problem and then entered the Type 39 in the 1933 Australian GP in which he found himself confronted by Carl Junker in the sister 1925 Bugatti 'Monza' – chassis '4604'. These two Type 39s proved to be the class of that Grand Prix field and after Junker's engine blew-up, Wreford moved into the lead, only for '4607's engine to fail on the third-last lap. Evidently the two broken 'Monzas' were left parked together at trackside – but Mert Wreford had recorded the race's fastest lap.
A new owner was then found for '4607' in specialist Jack Day of the Ajax Pump Works who fitted '4607' with his own 'Day' supercharger, driven from the crankshaft nose. He made his debut with the supercharged car in the August, 1933, Frankston hill-climb. But when the forced-induction experiment disappointed, Jack Day removed the Bugatti engine and fitted instead a Ford V8. This Type 39 thus became the first Australian special to be powered by a 'black iron' American Ford V8. The resultant Day Special proved very successful through 1936, setting new hill-climb records at Mitcham and Rob Roy. Reg Nutt raced the car in monoposto form at Phillip Island, 1937, and in the South Australian GP in 1938.
After World War 2, Bondi Beach surf life-saver, water-skier and amateur wrestler 'Gelignite' Jack Murray bought '4607' in its Day Special form from Jack Day, the price £1,100.
'Gelignite Jack' would earn his nickname from blowing up rural dunnies with sticks of gelignite during the RedeX Round Australia Trials. Every man needs a hobby....
The car "was given the full Murray red paint and chrome treatment" and in it he set fastest time and finished 5th on handicap in the 1946 New South Wales GP at Bathurst. Returning there n 1947 he was tipped to win, but failed to finish. The car was clocked at 106mph. At the 1948 Bathurst 100 the Day Special was recorded at 117mph and placed 3rd on handicap in the over 1500cc class. Overheating often afflicted the car in its Ford V8-engined form, but 'Gelignite Jack' continued to campaign the ageing special into 1954 when he was an amazing 4th fastest and 7th on handicap at the Bathurst Easter Meeting.
Subsequently the car survived in storage at Murray's Bondi garage, until he sold it – accompanied by a mass of related Bugatti components – to marque enthusiast Ted Lobb. While the original Type 39 chassis survived within the Day Special, Ted Lobb also had its original engine 'No 7' – which was fitted in his sister car '4604' – so now he also owned the blown-up engine 'No 6' – originally in '4604' – from Jack Day. Around 1974, Ted Lobb sold the Day Special and engine 'No 6' plus numerous other related Bugatti parts to Bob King, who later decided to rebuild '4607' to its 1925 Italian Grand Prix 'Monza' form.
He would later write: "The monumental rebuild was completed in the early 1980s, using a Type 39 crankshaft which came from Lance Dixon's Type 51A '4847'. The crankshaft – numbered '27' – was in perfect ex-factory condition, all parts carrying matching factory numbers. A gearbox casing was obtained in England from Ian Preston. The differential is Type 38, suitably altered, from the Nuttbug (BC4)". He concluded "'4607' was sold to Art Valdez of California in 1986...".
This restored Bugatti Type 39 was then shipped to Bangkok, Thailand, in time for new owner Art Valdez to drive it in the December 5, 1987, Prince 'Bira' commemorative Bangkok Grand Prix meeting. Anton Perera reported in 'The Nation' newspaper: "There in the parade was the oldest car of them all, a Bugatti Type 39 – all of 62 years with a 1493cc engine. And didn't the smooth engine purr with noise, indicating that it could be a danger on the 2.5km Pattaya Circuit next week...Yes, the 1931 Australian Grand Prix winner looked in perfectly good trim and ready to turn on the speed..."
John Fitzpatrick of the Australian Bugatti Register later reported how at Pattaya, where the Vintage race "ended an absolutely magical fortnight...Art Valdez was euphoric after his first race in a GP Bugatti...as Neil Corner wrote recently '...To have your GP Bugatti motoring well is to live with the gods...'".
The car was preserved within Mr Valdez's Californian ownership until in April 1993 he telephoned former owner Bob King to declare his intention to sell it. However, it was not until 2017 that the car subsequently passed from Art Valdez into the ownership of the present vendor.
Today '4607' presents very well indeed, having recently benefited from a mechanical inspection, strip-down and rebuilt by Tony Ditheridge's renowned Hawker Racing concern in Milden, Suffolk, England. This work included thorough cleaning and re-commissioning - even to the extent of fitting new valve springs. This ex-works Bugatti warhorse was then unleashed successor on the open road. Now, subject to the usual inspections and personal set-up adjustments, '4607' is poised for an active 2020 motoring season.
The car is accompanied by a comprehensive historical overview and inspection report compiled by the highly respected British Bugatti specialists David Sewell and Mark Morris.
In summary they confirm that "Type 39 chassis '4607' presents itself today as a recognised and well recorded example of the 8-cylinder GP Bugatti". They continue: "One key factor that must be recorded is that the major components are of Molsheim manufacture". The chassis frame is No 61 – while they report that the Molsheim lower (engine) crankcase is '7' ex-'4604' – the Molsheim upper (engine) crankcase is '114' – the Molsheim cambox 'No 7' – the Molsheim gearbox 'No 113' – the Molsheim gearbox lid No '856' – while the Molsheim rear axle centre casing has been modified from that of a touring car, ratio 12x54, 'No 284'.
So here BONHAMS is delighted to commend to the market this Bugatti Type 39 – the eminently useable (and potentially so enjoyable – and so raceable) winner of the 1931 Australian Grand Prix – and previously works driver Giulio Foresti's works team car, with third place in the 1925 Grand Prix de Tourism –third place in the 1925 Italian Gran Premio delle Vetturette at Monza – and 7th in the overall Italian Grand Prix, all so prominent within its history.
Just one decisive bid, and this fine example of Le Pur Sang – which such a jam-packed history on both road and track - could be yours...

Castelo e Ponte de Sant'Angelo, Roma, Itália (Castle and Bridge of St. Angelo, Rome) - David Roberts



 

Castelo e Ponte de Sant'Angelo, Roma, Itália (Castle and Bridge of St. Angelo, Rome) - David Roberts
Roma - Itália
Coleção privada
Óleo sobre painel - 25x61 - 1860



The present lot is a version of a larger view of Rome from the Tiber, also painted by Roberts in 1860 and now in the collection of Leeds Museums and Galleries at Temple Newsham House. Roberts painted this smaller version as a birthday present for his daughter Christine, as was his custom every year. Rome was a favoured subject of the artist and in 1860 he painted no less than eleven Italian views, all of which were sold.
'I cannot attempt to give any general description of Rome, but the objects of interest far exceed my expectations. The vast remains of theatres, baths and temples are magnificent, while the delicious climate, and the picturesque costumes of the people, render the place very attractive ... The city, with St. Peter's, the Vatican, and the castle of St. Angelo, seemed bathed in floods of living fire.' (Roberts' letter to his daughter Christine, quoted in J. Ballantine, The Life of David Roberts R.A., Edinburgh, 1866, p.179)

Glasgow, Escócia (Glasgow) - John Atkinson Grimshaw

 





Glasgow, Escócia (Glasgow) - John Atkinson Grimshaw
Glasgow - Escócia
Coleção privada
OST - 30x45





Born in Leeds in 1836, Grimshaw’s masterful capturing of industrial cities is inherently rooted in his upbringing. He painted many of the cities made great during the heyday of the nineteenth century, including Liverpool, Leeds, London, Hull and Glasgow. While the suburban streets painted across Yorkshire remain relatively anonymous, Grimshaw associated his industrial works with their locations from the offset. Beginning to paint the dockside motif around 1875, Grimshaw chose Liverpool and Glasgow due to their importance in the high Victorian period. Both locations were important ports that linked Britain with the Empire, rapidly modernising and embracing the Industrial Revolution because of this. Glasgow provided more than half of Britain’s shipping tonnage and a quarter of all locomotives worldwide in the 1870s, leading to it being named “the Second City of the Empire”.
Having suffered considerable financial strain in 1879, due to the early calling-in of a loan, Grimshaw sold his home in Scarborough and returned to Knostrop Hall, where he rethought the subject of his paintings. An increase in the production of his urban and dockside scenes ensued, as he took advantage of those who prospered from trade and shipping who were keen to see their livelihood’s, and the industrial strength of the British Empire, immortalised in art. Thus, Grimshaw capitalised upon the lamplit city commercialism and fierce civic pride that marked this period in Glasgow. Providing a realistic snapshot of contemporary life, albeit without an emphasis on the poverty and hardship that is synonymous with city living in the Victorian era, Grimshaw found a new audience who were equipped financially to invest in art that represented their way of life in a modernising city.

A Costureira (La Cucitrice) - Charles Edward Perugini



 

A Costureira (La Cucitrice) - Charles Edward Perugini
Coleção privada
OST - 61x51

Um Mar do Sul (The Southern Sea) - John Lavery


 

Um Mar do Sul (The Southern Sea) - John Lavery
Coleção privada
OST - 63x76 - 1910



Although he painted views of the Clyde estuary and the Antrim coast in his youth, it was only in the early years of the twentieth century when he was returning regularly to his house at Tangier that Lavery became captivated by the ever-changing moods of sea and sky. As A.C.R. Carter was quick to point out, the earliest of these pre-dates the emergence, after fifty years in storage, of Turner’s Evening Star which had recently been placed on display at the National Gallery (The Art Journal, 1908, p. 234). Lavery, he maintained, had captured the ‘eulogistic view’ of such works, in picture like The Sea Shore, Moonlight (c.1906-7, unlocated) before they entered public consciousness.
If Morocco rather than Margate, supplied this inspiration, it was a source that would be stilled during the years between 1907 and 1921. Eventually this marine corpus emerges in three distinct groups of pictures in both 10 x 14 inch canvas-boards, and more elaborate, larger format 25 x 30 inch canvases. The three types are distinguished as those with high horizons, taking in the Spanish coast to the north, and viewed from the artist’s house on Mount Washington; those painted in the bay area, probably from the tower of the Villa Harris, looking westwards towards the city; and those painted on the shore, also to the west of the Medina, looking due east towards Cape Matabala (see Kenneth McConkey, John Lavery, A Painter and his World, 2010, pp. 111-116).
In these latter works, the sandy shore was often busy with traders making their way to Grand Socco, the market-place of the luminous ‘La Blanca’, while the magnificent bay, often dotted with Arabs dhows, reached out to the calm ‘southern sea’ where passing steamers would find safe anchorage. Placing one or two Arab characters at the water’s edge, gave a sense of scale in these canvases – and here Lavery was taking his cue from favoured predecessors such as James McNeill Whistler and Gustave Courbet in works such as Harmony in Blue and Silver: Trouville, 1865 (Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston) and The Beach at Palavas, 1853 (Musée Fabre, Montpellier).
The Southern Sea however is one of a relatively few instances in which the painter dispenses with all such eye traps and addresses the vacant immensity of space. While the city slept and within walking distance of Walter Harris’s house, Lavery could savour the morning light as the sun rose over the foothills of the Rif mountains, at the far end of the bay. At other times ships and figures would be recorded, but neither appears in this moment of sepulchral calm. Instead, the concentration is focused on essentials – the disposition of elements - the line of the horizon and the lapping waters of the incoming tide. Above all, and swiftly noted, are static cumulus clusters. On other days, according to R.B. Cunninghame Graham, a ‘ceaseless wind’ rushed through the Straits, clearing the sky of fleecy clouds, but not here. A painter might stare at these masses, as the Romantics did, and find them ineffable. In such a sky there are no convenient perspectives to take the eye into limitless space, nor are there cues to cut the surface of the sea, in this most reductive of Lavery’s seascapes. Only slow, sparkling ripples divide the elements – and all is abstraction.

domingo, 3 de janeiro de 2021

Mares Revoltos (Heavy Seas) - David James





Mares Revoltos (Heavy Seas) - David James
Coleção privada
OST - 65x127

O Estudante (The Scholar) - Ludwig Deutsch

 



O Estudante (The Scholar) - Ludwig Deutsch
Coleção privada
Óleo sobre painel - 100x71 - 1901



This noble subject may have been inspired by Deutsch's encounters with scholars at Cairo's famous Al-Azhar madrasa (today Al-Azhar University), the crowded courtyard of which he depicted in his Salon entry of 1890. With an expression of intense concentration, the turbaned scholar sits back to reflect on the passage he has just read in his red leather-bound Quran and marks his place in the text with his forefinger. The painting is also a tour de force of detail and technical precision that distinguishes Deutsch's work, aided by the smooth and even surface of the mahogany panel on which it is painted.
The scholar wears a fur-lined black gown over a striped, black silk robe held at the waist by a brocaded sash. His distinguished dress is at once a reflection of his status as a senior scholar and of wealth and prosperity, since only the most expensive black dyes stood up to scrutiny under bright light (most taking on a green or red tinge). Meanwhile, the inlaid marble wall and column, the Syrian gilt drapery on which he sits, the velvet Ottoman cushion cover, the smoking incense burner, and the Persian carpet evoke a sumptuous interior to excite the senses.
Deutsch was the leading Orientalist painter of the Austrian school, which also included Rudolf Ernst, Arthur von Ferraris, and Rudolf Weisse. He trained at the Vienna Academy in 1872, but settled in Paris in 1878, where he studied with the history painter Jean-Paul Laurens and honed his highly academic style. Deutsch began travelling regularly to Egypt in 1883 and Orientalist subjects dominated his oeuvre from this time on, earning him unprecedented praise.
In 1900, three years after showing an Orientalist composition at the Salon, Deutsch received a gold medal at the Exposition Universelle in Paris and, later, the Chevalier de la Légion d’honneur. The polished surfaces and hallucinatory realism of his paintings were founded on a vast collection of photographs he amassed in Cairo, along with hundreds of props he acquired while abroad that dressed his Paris studio and that are featured in many of his paintings.